Orang Laut Kepulauan Riau - Dediarman

Orang Laut Kepulauan Riau

Penulis dediarman - June 14, 2016

Orang laut atau suku laut adalah kelompok masyarakat yang mempunyai kebudayaan bahari yang semurni-murninya. Kondisi kekinian, orang laut banyak yang hidup menetap. Ini berkembang dari konsep awal kategori orang laut. Menurut Adrian B Lapian (1986 dan 2009), orang laut adalah suku bangsa yang bertempat tinggal di perahu dan hidup mengembara di Perairan Provinsi Kepulauan Riau sekitarnya, dan pantai Johor Selatan.

Berbicara tentang orang laut dapat dipastikan akan berawal dari soal penamaan. Orang suku laut memiliki bermacam penamaan. Penamaan ini muncul dari para peneliti ilmu sosial, masyarakat setempat (orang Melayu), maupun diri mereka sendiri. Di Kepulauan Riau, mereka dikenal juga dengan nama orang pesukuan, yaitu orang yang terbagi dalam berbagai suku. Suku-suku atau kelompok masyarakat ini dahulunya tunduk kepada sultan Kerajaan Riau-Johor yang abad 19 terbagi dua. Orang laut atau pesukuan hidupnya ada yang di darat, teluk, muara sungai dan di laut.

Banyak lagi nama lain. Sebut saja orang sampan atau mengacu pada tempat tinggal, seperti Orang Mantang (mendiami Pulau Mantang, Bintan), Orang Tambus (mendiami Tambus di Galang), atau Orang Mapor (mendiami Pulau Mapor atau Mapur, Bintan). Dalam berbagai literatur berbahasa Inggris, orang laut dinamai juga beragam. Misalnya sea nomads, sea folk, sea hunters and gatherers. Ada juga ditemukan istilah sea forager, sea gypsies dan people of the sea. Meski beragam sebutan, oleh sebagian besar orang Melayu Kepulauan Riau, termasuk oleh orang Riau daratan, nama orang laut yang paling populer.

Di wilayah laut lain, seperti Sulawesi, kelompok yang masuk kategori orang laut juga dikenal dengan berbagai nama. Seperti Bajau atau Bajo, Sama, Samal dan Samal Laut. Disamping itu ada nama suku bangsa Talaud, Tondano, Tolour, Maranao, Ilanun atau Iranun. Artinya kurang lebih sama dengan suku laut. Mereka orang laut atau orang air, meski cara hidup mereka sudah menetap, bermukim dalam rumah dan tidak dalam perahu. Selain itu, ada yang disebut Suku Urak Lawoi’ atau Cho Lai atau Chaw Talay di Kepulauan Andaman (Thailand Barat Daya), Suku Moken (Thailand Selatan, Myanmar, dan Malaysia), serta Sea Gypsies (Filipina Selatan).

Sejarah

Banyak sekali versi mengenai sejarah asal muasal orang Laut. Mulai dari pendapat peneliti asing dan Indonesia, juga berasal dari cerita rakyat yang berkembang di Kepri. BM Syamsuddin (1996) menulis berdasarkan cerita rakyat, asal muasal orang laut berasal dari garam yang diberikan Raja Johor kepada seorang nenek sakti. Garam inilah berkat kuasa Allah kemudian menjelma menjadi orang enam suku. Banyak lagi cerita lisan lain.

Vivienne Wee (1993) berpendapat orang laut adalah keturunan raja-raja Melayu. Ini berdasarkan analisisnya pada naskah Sulalatus Salatin. Seseorang yang disebut Raja Chulan turun ke dalam laut dan kawin dengan putri laut. Kalau putri laut simbolis dari orang laut, maka Sri Tri Buana dan saudaranya adalah anak dari ayah dan ibu yang berasal dari orang laut. Argumen menarik lainnya adalah orang laut di Kepri diduga kuat sejumlah peneliti merupakan suku bangsa asli Melayu keturunan bangsa Melayu tua. Atau, masuk dalam proto Melayu yang menyebar di Pulau Sumatra, melalui Semenanjung Malaka pada sekitar 2500-1500 SM. Dalam perkembangannya kemudian atau pasca-1500 SM, terjadi arus besar migrasi bangsa deutro Melayu ke Asia Tenggara yang membuat bangsa proto Melayu terdesak ke wilayah pantai (pesisir daratan) di Pulau Sumatra. Sebagian dari kelompok yang terdesak inilah yang saat ini dikenal sebagai orang laut.

Asal muasal orang laut tak dapat dipisahkan dari persebaran (migrasi) orang-orang yang tergolong ras Proto Melayu. Orang laut adalah sisa-sisa mereka. Parsudi (1995), menyebutkan, ras Deutro Melayu mendesak orang-orang Melayu ke pedalaman, sehingga terdapat percampuran antara orang-orang dengan ciri-ciri was weddoid dan austroloid dengan ras proto Melayu. Ada juga yang berdampingan dan bercampur dengan orang ras Deutro Melayu.

Orang laut memiliki peranan besar dalam kerajaan sejak Sriwijaya berkuasa hingga Kesultanan Riau-Johor. Loyalitas orang laut terhadap sultan sangat kuat. Menurut Tom Pires, loyalitas orang laut yang disebutnya orang selat telah dimulai sejak di Palembang. Orang laut membantu sultan saat mendirikan Kesultanan Melaka. Beberapa suku orang laut jadi tentara raja. Orang Mepar, Galang, Gelam, Sekanak, Sugi, Bulo menjadi tentara sultan. Pendayung armada sultan dari suku Ladi, Galang, Tambus, Terong, Klong dan Sugi. Orang Mantang sebagai pembuat senjata dari besi. Suku Mepar tugasnya mengangkut duta atau utusan dari luar negeri dan mengurus surat-surat. Orang Moro, Sugi, Terong dan Kasu menyuplai agar-agar dan sangu (semacam rumput laut). Pemimpin suku Mepar di Lingga tugasnya mengatur suku-suku yang mengembara di Perairan Lingga.

Orang laut selalu setia. Saat Portugis menaklukan Melaka 1511, orang laut menjemput sultan di Bintan dan membawanya untuk mengungsi. Peranan orang laut dalam Sejarah Johor menonjol saaat terjadi krisis kerajaan 1688.Orang laut setia pada sultan yang usianya masih muda dan memihak pada sultan saat terjadi konflik dalam istana kerajaan. Orang laut juga setia pada Raja Kecik saat berkonflik dengan Raja Johor yang dapat bantuan dari Orang Bugis. Saat Raja Kecik kalah dan lari ke Siak, peranan orang laut dalam Kesultanan Johor semakin kecil dan hilang. Orang Bugis berkuasa untuk menjabat posisi sentral dalam istana.

Jumlah orang laut di Kepulauan Riau lumayan besar. Data tahun 1972 dari Jawatan Sosial Tanjungpinang, jumlah orang laut di Riau (dimekarkan menjadi Kepri), 5205 orang. Jumlah suku terasing totalnya 21.711 orang. Perinciannya, Suku Sakai 4075 orang, Talang Mamak 6165 orang, Suku Orang Hutan 2938, Suku Bonai 1428 orang dan Suku Akik 1900 orang. Kini 40-an tahun berlalu, orang laut di Kepri masih banyak ditemukan. Ada yang sudah bermukim dan ada yang masih mengembara di laut. Banyak pemukiman orang laut yang dibangun pemerintah. Sebut saja di Pulau Lipan, Kelumu, Sungai Buluh, Tanjungkelit, Kelumu dan Tajur Biru di Kabupaten Lingga. Di Bintan juga ada di Air Kelubi, sementara di Batam, orang laut dibuat pemukiman di Pulau Bertam.

Budaya

Ditilik ditilik dari ragam bahasa yang digunakan, orang suku laut ini dianggap masih serumpun dengan bangsa Melayu. Menurut ahli sosiolinguistik K Alexander Adeelar (2004), orang laut merupakan varian suku bangsa Melayu tua apabila dilihat dari ragam bahasa tutur yang dipakai. Argumen yang dibangun Adeelar merujuk pada pola persebaran elemen-elemen bahasa Melayu pada masa awal abad ke-16 yang hingga kini masih ditemukan dalam ragam percakapan modern bahasa Melayu.

Sementara, bagi Lenhart, yang melihat kebudayaan orang suku laut dari perspektif evolusionis, kebudayaan orang laut secara umum berbeda dengan budaya orang Melayu. Kendati, masih tampak elemen-elemen ‘Melayu’ dalam kehidupan kesehariannya. Hal ini bisa dilihat salah satunya dalam aktivitas orang laut yang mempraktikkan pantun di waktu senggang. Sementara itu, perbedaan kultural yang paling kasat mata, terletak pada stuktur sosial (sistem kekerabatan dan relasi antargender) dan budaya materinya.

Secara struktur sosial, menurut penelitian yang dilakukan Lenhart, orang laut masih hidup dalam lingkup kelompok yang tidak terlalu besar atau sekitar lima sampai delapan keluarga inti. Kelompok yang masih dalam satu kerabat ini dipimpin seorang laki-laki yang ditunjuk melalui sebuah musyawarah. Pemimpin ini berfungsi sebagai perantara ketika menjalin komunikasi dengan suku laut yang tersebar di Kepulauan Riau. Walau pemimpinnya seorang laki-laki, relasi antargender (laki-laki dengan perempuan) cukup egaliter dalam praktik kehidupan sosialnya.

Hal ini didasari kesepakatan bersama, biasanya dimulai dari himpunan keluarga terkecil (nuclear family) yang telah menetapkan pembagian peran secara seksual (division of labour) serta posisi sosial masing-masing.Pada aspek budaya yang lain, seperti sistem religi, budaya materi dan ekonominya, masyarakat orang laut merupakan kelompok masyarakat yang hidup dalam anutan sistem kepercayaan mereka sendiri yang dekat dengan animisme.

Orang laut merupakan suku yang hidup di sampan atau rumah-rumah perahu (boat-dwellings) dengan mata pencaharian utama sebagai pencari ikan dan binatang laut lainnya, seperti tripang (timun laut). Model ekonomi subsistem seperti inilah yang menjadi ciri khas dari kebudayaan mereka.

Namun demikian, dua antropolog, seperti Lenhart dan Chou, menerangkan bahwa sejak diterapkannya kebijakan relokasi (permukiman) oleh Pemerintah Indonesia pada akhir 1980-an hingga periode awal 1990, kebiasaan atau adat orang laut berangsur menghilang.

Sejak lama Orang laut digiring untuk memeluk satu dari lima agama formal di Indoneisa. Tak hanya itu, orang laut lantas mulai hidup di pinggir pantai di rumah-rumah yang terbuat dari kayu yang disediakan pemerintah. Sejak bermukim ini, orang laut hanya pergi melaut untuk mencari ikan pada musim tertentu.

Dari peralihan kebiasaan ini, Chou memaparkan bahwa ikan hasil tangkapan orang laut tidak lagi untuk konsumsi pribadi, tapi dijual kepada para tauke (juragan ikan) untuk ditimbang berat ikan tangkapannya dan ditukar dengan uang.

Bajau

Nama bajau atau Bajo seperti juga nama orang laut adalah exonym, nama yang diberi orang luar. Mereka sendiri menyebut dirinya Orang Sama. Orang Bajau banyak ditemukan di Perairan Selat Makassar (di Pulau Laut dan Pantai Timur Kalimantan), sekitar Bontang, Teluk Bone, daerah Nusatenggara Timur, Kepulauan Banggai, Teluk Tomini, Kepulauan Sulu, dan Maluku Utara. Nama Bajau tak hanya ditemukan di bumi timur Indonesia, tapi juga dibelahan barat, yakni Kepulauan Anambas, Kepri. Jadi dapat dipastikan orang Bajau pernah menjelajahi seluruh perairan nusantara, meski sekarang hanya dikenal di bagian timur Sulawesi, Sabah dan Kepulauan Sulu.

Pengembaraan Orang Bajau di timur nusantara selalu dikaitkan dengan Kerajaan Johor. Salah satu tradisi lisan mengatakan, Orang Bajau di Kalimantan Utara adalah keturunan pelaut Johor yang ditugaskan oleh sultan untuk mengantarkan puterinya, Dayang Ayesha. Ditengah jalan, rombongan diserang oleh kapal Brunei yang menculik Dayang Ayesha dan membawanya ke Brunai. Sejak itu Orang Bajau hidup mengembara karena takut pulang ke Johor atau pulang ke Sulu karena kehilangan putri yang dipercayakan kepada mereka.

Cerita lain mengisahkan, Orang Bajau yang kini hidup di Sulu dahulunya hidup dalam perahu di Semenanjung Melayu. Kepala Orang Bajau mempunyai anak yang cantik dan orang darat mempersuntingnya, sehingga ia menculiknya. Putri itu berhasil meloloskan diri. Sejak itu Orang Bajau berlayar jauh karena takut dikejar orang darat yang ingin mencari putri tersebut. Versi lain menyebutkan, Orang Bajau di Timur Sabah merupakan keturunan dari Puteri Johor yang dalam pelayarannya terbawa angin ribut dan hilang arah. Dalam cerita Bajau di Pantai Kalimantan Timur, pangeran Johor berlayar terkena angin topan dan tak bisa kembali. Sultan Johor memerintahkan pelaut Bajau mencari putranya yang hilang. Mereka berlayar tapi kehilangan arah. Orangh Bajau ini akhirnya memutuskan menetap di perairan antara Kalimantan, Kepulauan Sulu dan Sulawesi.

Pendapat lain menerangkan, konflik kesultanan Johor 1699 menyebabkan, Orang Laut menyebar keluar dari Perairan Johor. Mereka mengembara ke arah timur tapi tetap mengingat turun temuruannya di semenanjung Melayu. Dari berbagai sumber ini, Adrian B Lapian menyebutkan, perlu pengkajian atau penelusuran lebih jauh mencari hubungan antara Bajau dan Johor. Belum ada fakta historis yang menunjukkan pertautan ini. ((Dedi Arman SS, Pamong Budaya BPNB Tanjungpinang)

Sumber: Adrian B Lapian, Orang Laut, Bajak Laut, Raja Laut, Sejarah Kawasan Laut Sulawesi Abad XIX. 

Jakarta: Komunitas Bambu,2009.

Evawarni, Sindu Galba, Kearifan Lokal Masyarakat Adat Orang Laut di Kepri. 

Tanjungpinang:Balai Kajian Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional Tanjungpinang,2005.

Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan

An Introduction to the History and Genealogy of the Maguindanao Sultanate By Datu Amir Baraguir

From Ascent and Descent Towards the Revival:

An Introduction to the History and Genealogy of the Maguindanao Sultanate

By Datu Amir Baraguir

A PAPER TO BE READ AT THE CONFERENCE ON THE

HISTORY AND GENEALOGY OF THE SULTANATES

OF MAGUINDANAO, SULU AND NORTH BORNEO

WESTERN MINDANAO STATE UNIVERSITY,

ZAMBOANGA CITY

DECEMBER 15-16, 2004

Introduction

It is a truism, I believe, that history is meant to be written by people who do not make it. The Austrian statesman, Prince Clemens von Metternich’ once said, “Those who make history do not have the time to write it.”

I can not, therefore, fault my forebears who failed to write the history of Maguindanao: they were the ones who made it. During their times, it seemed that “the main thing,” as Count Otto von Bismarck observed, “is to make history, not to write it.” The duty of writing, I submit, primarily rests upon these history-makers’ descendants -- who have neither the power, nor the opportunity, to make history. 

It is in this spirit that I, despite the lack of formal training, decided to embark on the ambitious project of researching and writing the history of my country, Maguindanao and my forefathers, its Sultans . This paper is a part of that venture. Whether we like it or not, history is often a record of the life and times of rulers and leaders, more than of the people they ruled or led. This is occasioned by the fact that it is the laws they make, the trends they set, the wars they declare, the policies they fix, and the alliances they forge that ultimately affect -- if not determine -- the destiny of nations, particularly their own. Maguindanao (or Mindanao) is the youngest Malay Muslim Sultanate, compared to Sulu and Brunei (or Borneo.) It was established at the close of the 15th century or the early part of the 16th century. Contemporary historians agree that by 1515 , a few years after the fall of Malacca in 1511, Maguindanao was on its way to becoming a full-fledged Sultanate. It is, however, surmised that as early as the 14th century, Maguindanao was already a port of call by the Chinese. 

When Villalobos visited Maguindanao in 1543, he learned that the Sultan was “Siriparra, that is, the Lord of Mindanao ” who was probably Saripada Makaalang, the 2nd Sultan of the realm. But that is going ahead of the story. 

Let me first begin by relating the traditional story surrounding the coming of Sharif Kabungsuan who is accepted as the first Sultan of Maguindanao. I will then relate what is so far known or, at least, can be safely presumed regarding his descendants who ruled according to customs and tradition, was bypassed, or occupied the throne with or without foreign intervention. I will also chronicle the highlights of their rule, and offer glimpses of their relations with other countries and sovereigns and with one another. This will also include the Sultanate’s progress from feudal to centralized monarchy during the 17th century and its segmentation after the dynastic wars at the beginning of the 18th century. 

Then, I will continue on the reign of late Sultans to the decline of their sovereignty in the 19th century, until the first decade of the 20th, when Maguindanao finally succumbed to the colonial yoke of the United States of America. I will conclude with a brief survey of its status under the regime of colonial USA’s heir and successor-in-interest, that is, the Republic of the Philippines. Needless to say, the paper will focus on the Sultans, their blood and a finial relationships with other rulers and the circumstances of their accession to the throne. Special treatment will also be given to the external factors which somehow exerted influence on the destiny of Maguindanao and the  fortunes of its Sultans, as well as those influenced by them. This will include, as a matter of course, its closest neighbors, Sulu and Brunei, as well as Ternate, Sangir and the rest of the Moluccas.

A look into Maguindanaon response to Dutch, English, and, more importantly, Spanish and American incursions into the country --the latter two having exercised partial or total de-facto sovereignty -- will also be made. 

A cursory look at the political dynamics within the royal family of Maguindanao which contributed to its cycles of consolidation and segmentation, progress and decline will also be taken. This will be complemented with an optimistic essay on the present state of Maguindanao and its Sultanate, as well as their future prospects. 

II 

Putative Origin of the First Maguindanao Sultan Sharif Kabungsuan, posthumously known as the first Sultan of Maguindanao,(reigned @ 1515) is well-known among Maguindanaons, Maranaos, Iranons and other indigenous populations of the traditional realm of Maguindanao, including the non-Muslim indigenes -- Bla’ans, Manobos, Tedurays, etc.–historically known in European sources as Haraforas or Alforezeen and in new Filipino scholarship as Lumads. Kabungsuan’s renown is especially perceptible among the traditional ruling families in mainland Mindanao. 

The Muslim ruling elite all claim direct or indirect origin from him while the traditional chieftains non-Muslim indigenes claim descent from either Mamalu or Tabunaway, brothers of the Putri Tunina, one of the wives of the Sharif. 

The Maguindanao tarsila points to a certain Sharif Ali Zainal Abidin and Putri Jusul Asikin as the parents of Kabungsuan. It further states that Sharif Zainal Abidin came from Hadhramawt and a descendant of Muhammad, God’s Final Messenger; while Putri Jusul Asikin was a daughter of the Sultan of Johor. Majul, however, contends that Kabungsuan’s mother is of Malaccan origin. This may have been premised on the fact that the royal family of modern Johor is of Malaccan origin. 

Another writer insists that Kabungsuan was a “refugee from the Portuguese seizure of Melaka.” This, however, is open to question. 

Johor, now a modern Malaysian state bordering Singapore, was a muddy town, prior to the downfall of Malacca to the Portuguese. It was only in 1511 that the defeated Malacca royal family fled to Johor and established a new Sultanate there. There is ample evidence, however, that during the 14^th century, Tumasek (or Singapura Tua) was also called Johor, as can be illustrated by both Brunei and Singapore history and genealogy. Recently, Dr. Zakaria Abdullah, a professor at the University of Malaya questioned the alleged marriage of Brunei’s first Sultan, Awang Alak Betatar a.k.a. Sultan Muhammad Shah to a princess of Johor, as the Brunei genealogy asserts, since “Johor only came into being after the fall of Malacca in 1511.” 

The head of the Brunei History Centre in Bandar Seri Begawan was quick to the defense. As Brudirect.com (an online magazine on Brunei) reports: “In an interview with Radio Television Brunei (RTB), Pehin Dato Dr Haji  Awang Mohd Jamil Al-Sufri commented about the statement made by Dr. Abdullah. According Pehin Dato Dr Haji Awang Mohd Jamil Al-Sufri, what had been referred to in the Brunei sultanate genealogy as Johor was in actual fact Tumasek or Singapura Tua and not Malacca.” 

The head of the Brunei History Centre, according to the same report, confirms that Sultan Muhammad Shah, the first Sultan of Brunei, did actually marry a princess from Johor in the year 1368, making Sultan Muhammad Shah or Awang Alak Betatar the son-in-law of Paduka Seri Sultan Muhammad, the third Sultan of Singapura Tua, or Johor, as it was written in the Brunei genealogy. 

Whether the Johor referred to in the Maguindanao genealogy was the kingdom founded by the defeated royalty of Malacca after 1511 or the Singapura Tua which was extant by 1368, is an interesting subject of study. But as far as Maguindanao royalty is concerned, there seems to be no contention here. Generations of Maguindanaons, supported by some scholars of renown, take it for granted that Kabungsuan was a product of a hybrid union between a male Sharif or Sayyid from Hadhramawt and a female member of Johor nobility. 

The Tarsila is more specific about the parentage of Kabungsuan’s father. A copy of the Tarsila traces the origin of Kabungsuan thus: “Baginda Ali married Fatimat uz-Zahra and begot Sharif Hassan and Sharif Hussain . Sharif Hussain begot Sharif Ali Zain al Abidin who begot Sharif Muhammad al-Baqir who begot Sharif Ali who begot Sharif Isa who begot Sharif Ahmad who journeyed to Hadhramawt.” Thence it traces the line that corresponds with other well-documented genealogy of Sharifs and Sayyids from the Middle East, particularly Hadhramawt who migrated to what is now known as Southeast Asia. Finally it asserts that “Sharif Ali Zainal Abidin married “Putri Jiusul Asikin” (probably a descriptive title denoting a noble princess who led in piety, but not necessarily a proper name), with the union producing Sharif Muhammad Kabungsuan. Again, whether his mother was from Singapura Tua like the wife of Sharif Ali, 3rd Sultan of Brunei, or from Malacca is an interesting subject of further research. At any rate, Sharif Muhammad Kabungsuan is credited with the propagation of Islam and the establishment of the Sultanate system of governance in mainland Mindanao. 

III 

The Development and Expansion of Maguindanao: Sharif Kabungsuan, as the Maguindanao Tarsila relates, arrived at Tinundan,  near the present-day Cotabato City; converted the natives led by Datu Tabunaway and Datu Mamalu and spread Islam throughout Maguindanao. 

First, he married Putri Tunina, the (adopted) sister of Datus Tabunaway and Mamalu, by whom he begot no male heir, but three daughters, one of whom was married to the founder of the principality of Buayan whose later rulers also adopted the style of Sultan. Marrying an Iranun princess, Angintabu, he begot Saripada Maka-alang who became the second Sultan of Maguindanao (reign: between 1515 and 1574). Saripada Maka-alang married Bulim, the daughter of a Bla’an chieftain , thus widening further Maguindanao’s sphere of influence to include the aborigines. The Bla’ans are the indigenous people of the mountainous interior of the south and central regions of the archipelago. 

Out of this marriage, was born Datu Bangkaya who ruled as 3^rd Sultan of Maguindanao (@ 1574-1578). Out of three marriages, Datu Bangkaya bore three children who all ruled Maguindanao, one after the other. By an Iranun lady, he begot Datu Dimasangkay, 4th Sultan of Maguindanao (@1578-1585). By a Buayan lady, he begot Gugu Sarikula, 5th Sultan of Maguindanao (@1585-1597). By a Maguindanaon lady, he begot Datu Buisan – who was called Kapitan Laut during the reign of his elder brothers -- 6th Sultan of Maguindanao (1597-1619). 

All the datus and “Sultans” in the principalities of Lanao, except a few who trace their lineage to the legendary Bantugan, claim descent from Sultan Dimasangkay. 

Sultan Sarikula married a daughter (or, as some say, sister) of the Sultan of Sulu, Sultan Muallil Wasit a.k.a. Rajah Bungsu and reportedly resided in Sulu after he was ousted by his younger brother in 1597. By this time, Buisan has already consolidated his hold on the whole island with the Iranun and Maranao datus acknowledging his suzerainty. 

Thus, the Spaniards, attempting to secure alliance with individual datus of the Lake utterly failed. As one writer put it, “The region in the vicinity of Lake Lanao was under the rule of King Buhisan (sic) at the time of the first Spanish penetration.” 

As Kapitan Laut or Admiral of the Navy, Buisan was in charge of punitive raids against the Spanish Philippines, following the latter’s armed intrusions into Maguindanao territory. During the course of these raids, he entered into friendly relations with the native Datus of the Visayas, promising them aid in case they fight the Spaniards. When he became Sultan and overlord of Mindanao, he continued, even intensified these policies. This was a period when Maguindanao, like its European counterparts, actively engaged in “privateering” or slave-procurement and trading, with its best merchandise finding its way into the hands of the gentlemen of the British East India Company (EIC) and the Dutch Verinigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC). 

Buisan was a diplomat, naval officer, statesman and king rolled into one. He gave his daughter Gayang in marriage to Amatunding, son of Sultan Dimasangkay, strengthening further his hold on the Iranuns and/ or Maranaos. He also married off his son, Kachil Kudarat to another daughter of Sulu Sultan Muallil Wasit, Pangyan Ampay. In passing, it bears recalling that this Sulu Sultan was reputed to be a son of Sultan Hassan of Brunei by a daughter of Sulu Sultan Halim or Pangiran Buddiman . 

By the time of his death around 1619, Sultan Buisan has paved the way for a smooth succession of Katchil Kudarat, who proved as worthy as his father. Reigning and ruling as the 7th Sultan of Maguindanao for more than half a century, Sultan Dipatuan Muhammad Qudratullah Nasir-ud-Din (1619-1671) saw the zenith of Maguindanao’s external and internal sovereignty. Here, we omit details of Kudarat’s achievements, especially his war exploits, as it has been extensively covered by Majul, Casiño, Laarhoven, and others. An article was also written in the Philippine Daily Inquirer emphasizing the little discussed traits of the Sultan such as his being a diplomat, trader, polyglot, mystic, legal authority, ecumenist and gentleman, contrary to his image painted by some ignorant portraitists. 

The period beginning from the reign of Kabungsuan to Sultan Kudarat saw the expansion of Maguindanao from a tiny riverine town in what is now known as Cotabato City to a semi-feudal kingdom with all the trappings of a state extending from Sindangan Bay in the Zamboanga Peninsula eastward to Tagum in the Caraga region, and from what is now known as Northern Mindanao to Saranggani Island. 

IV 

Development Plateau After the death of Sultan Kudarat, there was a 47-year period described by  Majul as the “Interlude” in the so-called “Moro Wars” wherein, he asserts, the Sultanate’s decline began. This view, however, was contradicted by Laarhoven who characterizes the period as the zenith of Maguindanao’s glory. Territorially, the sovereignty of the Maguindanao Sultan which extended over an area described in the Atienza-Kudarat Treaty of June 24, 1645 as extending from Zamboanga to Tagum, increased considerably after the Treaty. Laarhoven asserts that it was maintained or expanded further by his successors during the later part of the 17th century . 

Spain, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom vied for lucrative relations with Maguindanao during this period. The Sultans of the era took advantage of the competition among the European powers. The son of Sultan Kudarat, Sultan as-Salehin Saifullah, also known as Sultan Dundang Tidulay succeeded as the 8th Sultan (@1671) him for a brief period. Not much is known of his reign, except that he had a modus vivendi with Datu Buissan of Davao with whom he shared the Butuan Bay people as subjects. Sultan as Salehin’s son, Sultan Muhammad al- Mu’thabat Barahaman Muizz-ud-daulah (@1671-1699) probably ruled the domain jointly with his father until the latter’s death. He was the 9th Sultan of Maguindanao. 

Sultan Barahaman was able to fend off a rebellion in Buayan and further strengthened Maguindanao’s superiority. Marrying a Sangirese princess, Basing (who was a daughter of Datu Mangada, ruler of Sangir or Sangihe island) he later succeeded in annexing island (now part of Indonesia) paving the way for the recognition of his son by Basing as Sultan of Sangir later, He was also reported to have married a Ternatan princess, cementing further Maguindanao’s relations with the Spice Islands. He initiated relations with both the Dutch and the English, employing a Polish-born secretary interpreter, Jacobus Ardes, to facilitate his commerce with those visitors, as well as correspondents abroad. His demise on July 6, 1699 ushered, however, an unfortunate phase in Maguindanao’s history. 

In sum, the period beginning from the reign of Sultan Salehin to that of Barahaman marked the further development of the state and royal institutions of Maguindanao and a little more expansion of its territory.

 V

Maguindanaon Misfortune: The Dynastic Wars During Sultan Barahaman’s reign, his younger brother, Maulana Kahar ud Din, also known as Kuda or Kudai, has already exerted considerable power  within the kingdom as the Kapitan Laut or Rajah Laut. His court by the mouth of the Simuay River in Central Maguindanao across his brother’s Palace was well-known among foreign dignitaries. There, he entertained ambassadors from Sulu, Ternate and other nearby kingdoms, as well as European traders and researchers. 

When he assumed as the 10th Sultan of Maguindanao (1699-1702) Kahar ud-Din was considered not only as Koening (or King), but Kaiser (or Emperor) by the Dutch. Laarhoven, quoting Dutch archival sources, has vividly described the pomp and pageantry of Sultan Maulana Kahar ud-Din Kudai’s court. The latter part of Kahar-ud-Din’s rule, though, was replete with conflict and controversy, leading to his death in the hands of Sultan Shahab-ud-Din of Sulu on August 10, 1702. 

When Kahar ud -Din succeeded his older brother, Barahaman, the eldest son of the latter was disappointed, believing that he should succeed in accordance with tradition that the eldest living son should succeed the father in a direct line. This son, Bayanul Anwar, therefore, contested his uncle’s rule. Enlisting the aid of his relative, the Sultan of Sulu (Badar ud- Din) he mounted a potent rebellion which obviously succeeded . He was proclaimed as Sultan Jalal-ud-Din (1702-1736), agreeing to the condition that he rule jointly with his younger half-brother, Jafar Sadiq Manamir. 

Under Kahar ud -Din, who was also his father-in-law, Manamir was both Rajah-Muda and Kapitan Laut who was groomed to succeed to the Sultanate. Succumbing to the pressure of the Bitiara Atas (Supreme Advisory Council) he agreed to the joint-rule arrangement akin to the former Barahaman -- Kaharud -Din arrangement.

In 1710, Jalal ud-Din broke some provisions of their agreement, prompting Ja’far Sadiq to re-assert his right to the Sultanate. Moving to Tamontaka, presently a part of Datu Odin Sinsuat municipality in Maguindanao province, Datu Manamir started contesting his brother’s reign. The Dutch referred to him as the Young King to distinguish him from Jalal ud-Din. In 1710, he formally assumed as Seri Paduka Sultan Ja’far Sadiq Manamir, 12th Sultanof Maguindanao (1710-1733). 

While Jalaluddin was recognized along the coast, Ja’far Sadiq was recognized in the interior of Maguindanao, as well as Sangir. To make matters worse, in  March, 1733, Datu Malinug, Jalaluddin’s son and heir-apparent, killed his uncle in a fierce fight where hundreds of others died. Thus, Sultan Ja’far Sadiq was posthumously known as Shahid Muffat. 

Immediately thereafter,the latter’s son and heir-apparent, Fakir Maulana Hamza, succeeded his father as 13th Sultan of Maguindanao (1733-1755). 

Meanwhile, Jalaluddin was still recognized as Sultan along the coast. While Spain recognized Hamza, the Netherlands recognized Jalaluddin. In 1736, Jalaluddin abdicated in favor of his son, Datu Malinug, who assumed as Sultan Tahiruddin (1736-1748). Pressure from Hamza and Umar maya Tubutubu, the former’s powerful brother, being allied through marriage with Ternate, Tahiruddin retired to Buayan where his maternal relatives dominate. By 1748 after Tahiruddin died, Hamza became the undisputed monarch in Maguindanao.

VI 

Attempts at Reconsolidation Sultan Hamza was one of the most educated sovereigns of Maguindanao. A forward-looking statesman, erudite scholar, wise mystic, accomplished diplomat, and benevolent ruler, he attempted to reconsolidate the kingdom and transform it into a dynamic polity according to the standards of his day.Educated abroad , most probably in Sumatra and other Malay Muslim centers of learning, he was exposed not only to a vast body of religious knowledge but also a wide array of political theory and practice. Credited with earliest codification of Maguindanao Muslim law (Paluwaran) and written edition of Maguindanao genealogy (Tarsila), he also made peace with his cousins, the heirs of Sultan Bayan-ul Anwar, by marrying the latter’s daughter, Putri Daung.

He invited foreigners including the Dutch, Spaniards and English to trade with Maguindanao, even inviting His Britannic Majesty King George III to put up a factory in “Bunwoot” (Bongo Island, near the town of Parang in Maguindanao.)

VII 

Segmentation: The Maguindanao Sultan as primus inter pares Sultan Fakir Maulana Khair ud-Din Hamza Amir ud-Din was, in addition to being a legist, diplomat, and statesman, was also a pandita and mystic. Thus, he was given to patience and tolerance. But this did not prevent the segmentation of his kingdom, his other cousin, Datu Ma-anuk (Jalal ud-Din’s son) tried to revive the rival kingdom of Buayan which was eclipsed by and joined with Maguindanao from the reign of Kudarat to Kudai. 

Finally, Manman’s son carved out from Buayan a new petty kingdom aptly called Bagu-inged (New Realm) where he became Sultan. This was only thebeginning. Subsequent generations of Bagu-inged Datus moved from one place to another and styled themselves Sultans. The Sultan of Maguindanao, by all indications, was at least recognized as primus inter pares. By the middle of 19th  century, there were at least 13 such sultanates vying for supremacy. 

At about the same time as Manman’s assumption (as Sultan sa Bagu-inged, around 1770) another cousin of Sultan Hamza -- Umarmaya Tubutubu’s son named Digra-alam -- was made Sultan of Kabuntalan. 

VIII 

Further dynastic squabble and Spanish foothold Returning to the core Sultanate of Maguindanao, Sultan Fakir Maulana Khair ud-Din Hamza declared his younger brother, Datu Panglu as heir-apparent on condition that his son, Datu Kibad be made Rajah-muda and heirapparent. 

Around 1775, Hamza abdicated in favor of Panglu who assumed as Sultan Fahar ud-Din, 15th Sultan of Maguindanao (1775-1780). When the British Captain Thomas Forrest visited Maguindanao, Fahar ud-Din was on the throne. After the Sultan’s death, he was called Mufat Hidayat. Prior to that, he declared his eldest son, Datu Nain, also known as Sultan Iskandar Zulkarnain as his successor, assigning to him the administration of Sibugay, a lucrative principality. He also bequeathed all his wealth to another son, Datu Anwaruddin who thereafter was nicknamed “Kawasa,” that is, Wealthy One.

As fate had it, Datu Kawasa assumed as Sultan Kawasa Anwaruddin, 17th Sultan of Maguindanao (1805-1830).Apparently, Datu Nain -- who was also formally addressed as Sultan Iskandar Zulkarnain, and whose royal seal was even used by the incumbent in signing agreements and correspondences with Spain – assented to his brother’s rule. He maintained his rule in Sibugay, naming one of his sons by a Sulu princess, Jamal ul-Alam, as “Datu Dakula” or grand datu ruling the mainly Subanen community. Another son of Datu Nain, known only in the Tarsila as Rajah Tua, was named Rajah-muda and successor to Sultan Kawasa.

When Sultan Kawasa died, another uproar erupted in Maguindanao, albeitless violent than previous ones. With Rajah Tua apparently predeceasing the incumbent, his rights and prerogatives fell on his eldest son, Datu Untong (sometimes called Kudarat II). This, however, was contested by Datu Musa, son of Sultan Kawasa.

Taking advantage of the controversy in the Maguindanao realm, the Spanish government in Manila tried to gain control or influence once more. In the guise of arbitration, Spanish officials separately befriended the contending parties. While offering a solution, they obtained concessions from Musa, who was named as Amirul Interino or “interim ruler.”

In upstream Buayan, Sultan Maitum resuscitated the eclipsed realm, and opposed the Interino. He (Maitum) threatened to declare himself “Sultan NaTelu ka Inged” or king of three realms, probably referring to Maguindanao,Buayan and Bagu-inged. Sultan Maitum of Buayan was the maternal grandfather of Datu Untong (sometimes called Kudarat II) and actually supported the claim of the latter to the throne of Maguindanao. Finally, after about six years of stalemate, Datu Untong was proclaimed Sultan Iskandar Qudratullah Fahar ud- Din Jamal ul-Alam, 18th Sultan of Maguindanao (1837-1854) with the son of Amirul Interinu Musa by the name of Datu Makakawa as Rajah muda.

For Spain’s “services,” she was granted the right to establish a garrison in what is now Cotabato City and a church in Tamontaca near the court of Sultan Kudarat II.

The Sultan was also made to ratify a treaty entered into by Spain and the Datu Dacula of Sibugay, an amended version of the earlier Kudarat –Atienza Treaty, but he consistently refused – an action which could have led to his mysterious disappearance around 1854. That “occultation” happened afte rthe Spaniards invited him for a friendly conference at the court of his uncle,the Datu Dakula at Sibugay. The event was treated with suspicion by his relatives in Buayan, who mounted sporadic attacks against the Spanish in Cotabato, as well as their wards, the succeeding Sultans, Makakwa ( 1854 -1884) and his son Pablo Jalaluddin (1884-1888).

The shift of Spanish active politico-military policy presently turned to the resurrected Buayan, where sons of Sultan Maputi, Datu Bayao and Datu Bangon were apparently divided over cooperation and combat. Meanwhile, both Makakwa and Pablo (one after the other) faced constant pressure from the Datu Bangon and allies, as well as the famous Utto, son of Datu Bangon. Sultan Pablo married one of Buayan Sultan Bayao’s female descendants, perhaps, as a neutralizing factor. After Datu Bangon’s death Datu Utto gained ascendancy in Buayan, with his uncle, Sultan Bayao,silently acquiescing actual rule. All these contributed to the further weakening of Maguindanao.

By this time, Kabuntalan also gained prominence in Spanish eyes,attempting to wrest control of that principality, a fierce battle ensued,ending in the signing of a “Capitulation” by and between the rulers of the Delta (Kabuntalan and its environs, including the emerging “Sultanate” of Edtabidan or Taviran ) and the Spanish governor of Cotabato (from Maguindanaon Kuta-a-Watu, “Stone Fort,” descriptive of the fort in what is now PC Hill in Cotabato City where the Spaniards held camp.) The Rajah of Taviran, Datu Bigkungan, scion of Sultan Diruyuden of Bagu-inged, who married a Kabuntalan princess, Bai Ganap, figured prominently in this treaty, Some years later, his eldest son, Datu Ayunan, was granted the rank of “Gobernadorcillo del Delta,” in addition to being Sultan of Taviran, and invested the Escudo al Valor for invaluable services to Spain. He was the prime instrument of Spain in checking the advance of Datu Utto towards becoming paramount chief of Maguindanao. Thus, Spain have capitalized onthe lack of unity among the peoples of the Maguindanao realm brought about by the perceived lack of legitimacy in the center.In Sibugay, former dominion of Sultan Iskandar Zulkarnain, Spain exercised sovereignty indirectly, through the Datu Dakula who was invested with the grand Spanish title of “Principe de Sibuguey.”

When Sultan Pablo Jalaluddin died in 1888, matters became worse. Perhaps,as an attempt to consolidate Maguindanao (if not improve his personal status), Datu Utto proposed his brother-in-law and first cousin, Rajamuda Mamaku, son of Sultan Kudarat II, who obviously had a better claim to the Sultanate of Maguindanao, to no avail.

Datu Mangigin, son of Datu Pugat, son of Datu Dakula I, wrote to the Spanish authorities to proclaim him Sultan. Meanwhile, the Sultanate was apparently under the regency of Rajah Putri, high-born daughter of Kudarat II and wife of Utto. Sultan Mangigin, in an attempt to consolidate his power– and, perchance, to improve his leverage with the United States colonial government -- married the wealthy Rajah Putri, daughter of Sultan Kudarat II and widow of the renowned Rajah of Buayan, Datu Utto in 1906.  

Thereafter, Datu Mangigin was recognized 21st Sultan of Maguindanao (1906-1926) The union did little to perk up his situation, though. After Rajah Putri died, he retired to Sibugay where he quietly passed away in 1926, or thereabouts. The decline of Maguindanao, as it seemed, went on unabated.But not the serene legitimacy of the Sultanate. 

IX 

American colonial intrusion It was under Sultan Mangigin’s reign when the US Marines illegally occupied Maguindanao. The United States of America had no treaty with Maguindanao, whether just and real or onerous, similar to the “Bates Treaty” it had with Sulu. Therefore, the USA held no legal or moral-ethical claim to the land and its resources. The only claim it had was based on the “white man’s burden” that it assumed with regards to colored nations and the fact that it was struggling to be a world power when Spain was clearly on the wane and by the presumed inclusion on the purchase it made against the Philippine Islands under the Treaty of 1898. 

The failure of Sultan Mangigin to put up a military struggle was neither a recognition of the Superpower’s sovereignty, nor the total relinquishment of his own or that of his nation. Clearly, his order to his people “to refrain from causing trouble” to the Americans was a strategic move to appease the invaders while buying time in the hope that, perhaps, the situation will improve and an opportunity will arrive to reassert Maguindanaon sovereignty. 

The struggle of individual datus, like Datu Ali son of Sultan Bayaw, who was styled as “Rajahmuda sa Salunayan” and Datu Santiago of Parang, was fought not because of a central policy from a single European-style monarch, though. It only illustrated what has become of the Sultan of Maguindanao’s rule by the beginning of the 20th century: A figure-head in a loose confederation of local groups, he had very little national or central authority.

Prior to the end of Sultan Mangigin’s reign, the Watamama sa Maguindanao,second-ranking in the order of succession, Datu Mamadra of Nuling, positioned himself as the next ruler of Maguindanao by adopting a radicallynew title, “Tambalilid sa Maguindanao” implying an authority with no superior. This seemed to be a defiance of Datu Mangigin’s appointment of the non-royal Datu Mandi of Zamboanga as Rajah Muda (or first in rank in the order of succession) contrary to tradition. There was no open outbreak of conflict between the two, though. At any rate, Datu Mamadra sired a daughter with one of the wives of Sultan Mangigin. Whether he forcibly took the woman or married her after a divorce with the Sultan is still a subject of hushed “debate” among the old nobility in Nuling (now known as themunicipality of Sultan Kudarat.). The Mamadra clan, however, acknowledge the product of that union as a legitimate daughter in the spirit of the Prophet’s dictum that “a story should be accepted according to its best version.”

Datu Mamadra, the man who would be Sultan, predeceased his father,Mastura, then Datu-sa-Nuling. It can be recalled that Datu Mamadra, along with his father, led the signatories to the “Cotabato Memorial” in 1916 addressed to the American colonial government during the incumbency of Datu Mangigin as Sultan, demanding some sort of self-government. Datu Mastura, the only surviving son and heir of Sultan Qudratullah Jamalul Alam Faharuddin, who was eligible for the Sultanate acceded to what had become an imaginary throne as “Sultan Hajji Iskandar Hijaban Mastura,” 22nd Sultan of Maguindanao (1928-1932).

Sultan Mastura was known to be a pious pandita with a mystical inclination.To this day, some old people in Nuling (now Sultan Kudarat and Sultan Mastura municipalities) still relate stories from their parents who swear witnessing the Sultan’s ability to cruise the Pulangi or Rio Grande de Mindanao on a small banca sans paddles, as well as walk in the rain without getting wet. Najeeb Saleeby described him as the “most informed datu” in Cotabato. Though held in reverence according to the custom, he was far from being the most powerful. That distinction was held by Piang, a non royal datu. . Mastura’s silence and withdrawal from day-to-day politics is,palpably, a part of his effort to maintain the dignity of the Sultanate. He, however, became well acquainted with Saleeby, who, he understood, could help record for posterity the heritage of Maguindanao. That silence, however, is far from a resigned acceptance of the colonial order.Even prior to his becoming Sultan, mastura inconspicuously made sure thatthe Sultanate as an institution will survive colonialism. For instance, in anera when slavery was still essential in maintaining royal dignity and economic supremacy of the royalty, he worked towards the protection ofthat institution. In February, 1904 around Valentine’s Day, he brought two cousins-in-law, Datu Ampatuan and the petty Sultan of Kabuntalan, along with other important Maguindanaon datus and met the famous Datu Ali (who by then, became an active rebel against the colonial government, and hisbrothers, and allies at Kudarangan, Cotabato, where they declared their opposition to American abolition of slavery . Little did they know, of course, that back in the USA, slavery (masquerading under other labels such as “forced labor” and “indenture’) was still an essential adjunct of industry and agriculture.

XI 

Under Philippine Government: Hibernation and Hope of Revival When Sultan Mastura died, Datu Baraguir bin Datu Mamadra (was chosen bythe Council of Elders (Bitiara Atas) to succeed him, but he waived in favor of Datu Ismael bin Kalog on condition that this should be restored to Datu Baraguir or his heirs later. At the time of his waiver of his title to theSultanate, Datu Baraguir was already serving as a Municipal District President in one of the largest districts in the American colonial government in Mindanao and, perhaps, saw the conflict of interest between the two positions.

The reign of Sultan Ismael bin Datu Kalog was marked by quietude. In Cotabato City and the Empire province of Cotabato, he was little known.Only the senior members of the core royal families knew him. Neither in politics nor in commerce did he actively involve. He should be credited for his wisdom and prudence for keeping the royal institution concealed from the prying eyes of the public and, therefore, maintaining its dignity, independence and sanctity. His last act shortly before he met his Creator was to make sure that the succession will smoothly take place in accordance with good custom and rightful tradition. Faithful to a covenant made almost half a century earlier, Sultan Ismael “returned” the title to the heirs of Datu Baraguir Mamadra, in whose stead he reigned peacefully. Together with Datu Dakula Rajah of the principality of Sibugay, journeyed to Nuling (now Sultan Kudarat municipality), hometown of the descendants of Sultan Mastura, including its trunkline, the Mamadra clan, and the latter’s trunkline,the Baraguir family. There, they invited the descendants of Datu Baraguir to a formal caucus and determined, according to customary protocol, the most pre-eminent and eligible successor of the former. 

Having determined that it was Atty. Datu Gutierez M. Baraguir, the latter was declared Rajah muda a Magiseg-iseg or heir-apparent, who would automatically assume as Sultanupon the death of HRH, Sultan Ismael. Having the succession virtually settled, the wise Sultan peacefully passed away sometime in 1991.

In a conference of Maguindanao notables, including the succession council called “Pat-a-Pelaus” (Four Pillars) in Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao, Datu Gutierrez was proclaimed Sultan. First to congratulate him were MNLF  Chairman Nur Misuari who wrote from Libya, and the Datu Dakula VI of Sibugay. 

The Sultanate have been returned to the House of Datu Baraguir bin Datu Mamadra bin Sultan Mastura. As the Maguindanaon saying goes, “Muli bun sa panggungan su awang a sinembayan.” The borrowed boat shall ultimately return to its own berth. During his reign, Al-Marhum Seri Paduka Sultan Sayyid Hajji Datu Muhammad bin Datu Baraguir (1991- 2000), along with asmall core of like-minded young traditional leaders, worked quietly, layingthe groundwork for a peaceful settlement of the Mindanao problem in faithful consideration of history, the will of the people, and the contemporary trends and developments, which should include the settlement of Maguindanao’s right to self-determination . A week before he passed away, he entrusted this mission to the author whom he declared as successor before his immediate family. It constitutes a proposed solution to the Mindanao Problem (or, at least, a part of it) particularly pertaining to the Sultanate of Maguindanao and the Maguindanaon people . A summary of this proposal is incorporated in the Epilogue of this paper.

XII 

Conclusion We have seen how Sharif Kabungsuan, carrying the Muhammadan bloodline and message established the rudiments of a Malay Muslim order which his successors, at various times and in various circumstances, carried through.Now speeding, then stuttering, now moving forward, then stepping backward, only to survive as a social institution devoid of power, but pregnant with promise toward a more positive role in forging the destiny of the Maguindanao nation and the submerged Maguindanao proto-state.

Sultan Kudarat transformed what Kabungsuan built into a monarchy encompassing a vast territory which was ruled and maintained or even expanded by his successors for about half a century. A dynastic war segmented it into various principalities, wherein, Sultan Hamza and a couple of successors were recognized as primus inter pares. Then, after Sultan Kudarat II’s mysterious “occultation,” Spanish illegal intrusion gained headway that in the last years of its rule over the Philippine archipelago, it had the temerity to declare the traditional domain of the Sultan of Maguindanao as the 5th Military District of the Spanish government in the Philippines. The Sultanate was sufficiently weakened when the Americans came that they found it convenient to deal with individual royal and non royal datus. 

The history of Maguindanao is a story of triumphs and failures. Its status depended much on the fortunes of its Sultans. Some Sultans’ foibles and follies, not without the influence of foreign intrigues, contributed to its decline as a political order. However, the stability of the institution proved resilient even under colonial domination. Whether it will assume an important role in addressing the dormant and suppressed right of the Maguindanaon nation for self-determination will be known in the not-too distant future. 

Epilogue: Why (and How) Revival? “You see what is and ask, ‘Why?’ I see what could and ought to be and ask, ‘Why not?’” --George Bernard Shaw 

Maguindanao’s yet unannounced claim to nationhood, aspiration to statehood and the pursuit of the right to self-determination is a just, moral and practical proposition. It is the logical link that connects its glorious past with a more livable future. For a Maguindanaon, to fail in this duty is to live a wasted life. 

History shows that as a nation or people, the Maguindanaons have continuously enjoyed their independence prior to the illegal occupation of America which was merely based on the illegitimate inclusion of Maguindanao in the sale of the Philippine Islands to the USA by Spain. 

“Ex injuria jus non oritur” Right cannot originate from wrong. “This,” as the present Sultan of Ache says, “is the most fundamental principle of international law.” Some, or many of us, may have grown quite comfortable with the present state of affairs. Still, many others are distressed. Maguindanaons, from generation to generation since the colonization of Maguindanao have mounted some kind of protest or complaint in one form or another. During the last two decades, the noisiest and most irksome to the government is the now bloody, now tricky protest by Maguindanaons who established the Moro Islamic Liberation Front from a faction of the Moro National Liberation Front. This is crying for the right solution. But a right answer will never issue from a wrong question. 

The “myth of Morohood,” as Thomas McKenna calls it, have been hoisted by the courageous, but intellectually confused Maguindanaons on an initially disinterested, but now disturbed, government. Confusion, contention, contempt, and flustered compromise promises a convoluted solution,whatever that will be . Thus, we boldly assert that the present peace process between the government and the MILF, possessing those elements is a wanton waste of resources that will prove unbeneficial to all: the Philippine government, the Maguindanaon people, and the international community. 

Any rational, integrative, and stable solution must start with the right question. Along with the people of Sulu, what is the right of Maguindanao that was violated and to which, therefore, due restitution be made? This question begs and deserves an answer. 

Difficulty to observe Islamic tenets and practice is not an issue: Everywhere, even in Muslim countries, it is even more difficult to practice the right and natural religion of Islam. Poverty is not an issue: It is a global reality asking for no special solution. The issue, as far as Maguindanao is concerned, is the issue of self determination. We were not duly consulted when Spain illegally sold us. We were not rightly consulted when the U.S. occupied us. We were not adequately consulted when the Philippines inherited us from the illegal occupant – the USA. Today, the GRP-MILF Peace Process seems to be well under way. Based on a wrong premise, will anything resulting from this be beneficial or even acceptable to the Filipino people and government? For the Maguindanaon nation? For the international community? Again, “right cannot proceed from wrong!” 

It can be argued that the investments made have been enormous. But this argument does not justify the continuation of a patently losing venture. It would be more economical, in the final analysis, to abandon such experiment and invest in a more propitious trade, so to speak. 

What is the relevance of the Sultanate in this? As the historical and traditional symbol of the people the Sultan is the right entity to advance their claim. With neither Internal Revenue Allotments, nor party favors to lose; and because of his fear of busung or curse from his predecessors; and of the sense of sacred mandate with regards the trust and responsibility imposed by the forefathers who bequeathed the office to him: the Sultan is  morally bound to advance the welfare of his people and traditional domain, at the least discomfort or destruction to them. 

Having been chiefly instrumental in the continuous violation of Maguindanao’s right to self-determination -- a wholesale violation that blurs all other human rights violation -- the governments of the Republic of the Philippines, the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain, along with the rest of the international community, should realize their urgent duty to help restore the prestige of the Sultanate and work together towards a final solution to half of the Mindanao Problem. The other half they should settle with Sulu and North Borneo. This is not the place to go into details. Let me end by reiterating that any solution to the so-called Mindanao Problem must take into consideration the right of the Maguindanaon nation to self-determination and to recognize the Sultanate as the social, cultural, and moral, if not political, institution that has the supreme prerogative and obligation to represent that right.

Author's e-mail address: baraguirdatuamir@yahoo.com

AN ANALYSIS OF THE "GENEALOGY OF SULU" BY CESAR ADIB MAJUL

AN ANALYSIS OF THE "GENEALOGY OF SULU, (*)

CESAR ADIB MAJUL

I

The term tarsila comes from the Arabic silsilah, which means a chain or link. It is used in the Muslim South as in other parts of the Indonesian and Malay world to refer to written genealogical accounts. One of the primary functions of the tarsila was to trace the ancestry of an individual or family to a famous personality in the past who was either an important political figure or religious teacher. This fact immediately suggests that tarsilas were not meant to remain purely historical documents or quaint remembrances of things past. On the contrary, they served to bolster the claim of individuals or families to hold political power or to enjoy certain traditional prerogatives, if not some prestige in their respective communities at least. Consequently, all sultans and leading datus had their respective tarsilas.

Obviously, if tarsilas were to serve their purposes, they had to be kept up to date. When written on perishable materials such as paper, their contents were preserved by copying them on new paper. Thus, the age of the material used is no index to the age or authenticity of the accounts. However, it is commonly accepted that the use of the Malay language, especially in the earlier parts of tarsilas, is an index to their ancient character-at least for those parts in Malay. The use of this criterion is quite reasonable. Sulu was actively involved in the trade which covered the Malay peninsula and the Indonesian archipelago as far back as the 13th century, if not earlier. And, as is well-known, the lingua franca of the traders was Malay. This language was also extensively used in the Sulu court, just as it was in the courts of Malacca, Brunei, and so on. It was only during the the 17th century, with the coming of the Spaniards to the Philippine archipelago and other Europeans to other parts of Southeast Asia, that the Sulus gradually became isolated from other Malay lands. It was then that the use of Malay in the Sulu court began to decline.

The tradition of writing or having tarsilas among the Muslims in the Philippines probably derived from the Muslim principalities in the neighboring Indonesian islands which has an earlier history of Islamization. In turn, these principalities used as a model the earliest part of the Sirat Rasul Allah (The Biography of the Messenger of Allah) as their model. This work was written by Ibn Ishaq (c. 85 A.H. - A.H. - 151 A.H. or c. 704 A.D. - 768 A.D.). Its first paragraph, in the recension of Ibn Hisham, contains the genealogy of the Prophet Muhammad, tracing his descent from Adam-a total of 48 generations. The style here is not much different from the Jewish Bible's genealogies.

 It would be a mistake to look at the tarsilas of the South as purely genealogical documents. Actually, they may contain descriptions of some of the personages mentioned, place names, and actual data regarding historical events in the past. Some tarsilas even include mythological elements, some of which have now lost their original meaning for us. In brief, tarsilas were meant to accomplish a few aims beyond the genealogical function. These aims will be discussed in greater detail later on.

II

We are all greatly indebted to Dr. Najeeb Saleeby for the collection, translation, and publication of many tarsilas from Sulu and Mindanao in the first decade of this century. We owe Saleeby even more, considering that many of these documents had been burnt or lost during the last days of the Japanese Occupation in 1945. This especially holds true for the .Sulu documents belonging to the Kiram family and Haji to put down in writing the dictation of Faqir Maulana Hamza, in the possession of some of the leading Muslim families in the upper valley of the Pulangi were burned in 1972 as a result of fighting between government troops and secessionists in the area. Nevertheless, there still exist tarsilas among some families there-at least this is what we have been assured.

In the past, tarsilas were jealously guarded from the prying eyes of the curious, especially those of strangers. It took years of friendship with the families of the sultans and chief datus for Saleeby, who was an Arab from Lebanon, to succeed in seeing the tarsilas and having.them published. Yet even Saleeby missed some important ones, possibly because of mistrust, For example, he did not have the chance to see the ones from the Buluan and Tawi-Tawi areas. 

In any case, the debt of Philippine Muslim scholars to Saleeby remains inestimable.

That the sultans jealously guarded their tarsilas does not mean that they did not divulge some of their contents to foreigners. For. example, Alexander Dalrymple, who was in Sulu in 1761 and 1764 and who came to know the Sulu Sultan 'Azim ud-Din (Alimudin) in Manila, learned from the Sultan and other leading datus many details of Sulu ·tarsilas which correspond to those published by Saleeby in 1908. Likewise, Thomas Forrest, who was in Maguindanao in 1775, was able to put down in writing the dictation of Faquir Maulana Hamza, a Maguindanao sultan, who was consulting his tarsilas on data concerning the history of Maguindanao. 

Moreover, the Sultan· appeared to have known the genealogies of the sultans of Sulu and Brunei, to the extent of claiming that they, together with the sultans of Maguindanao, had a common Arab ancestor somewhere in the dim past. Significantly, some Maguindanao tarsilas make it a point to mention dynastic or marriage relations between the royal families of Maguindanao and Sulu. 

The Brunei Silsilah, likewise, makes reference to a marriage between the Brunei and Sulu royal families. John Hunt, who was in Sulu in 1814, appeared to have had indirect information regarding various Brunei and Sulu tarsilas, probably from his datu friends. Written from memory, however, his account is a bit unreliable since he often confuses different sultans with each other and unnecessarily telescopes events. 

But anyone with a knowledge of Dalrymple's works and Spanish sources can easily recognize the misidentifications in the genealogy and historical events reported by Hunt. No less than seven varied sources must have been available to him. If, instead of lumping them together, he had reported them separately according to specified sources, he would have been of greater value to present-day scholars.

What  follows is a description and analysis of the Sulu tarsilas published by Saleeby.

III

The so-called "Genealogy of Sulu" was published by Saleeby in 1907 in a chapter of his important work The History of Sulu. (1) 

It was supplemented, in the same chapter, by another tarsila which he entitled "Sulu Historical Notes." For convenience, Saleeby also entitled various parts of the  Genealogy of Sulu" in accordance with subject matter, successively as follows: "Sulu author's introduction," "Descendants of Asip','' "Descendants of Tuan Masha'ika," and "Original and later settlers of Sulu." (2)

The first part deals with the writer of the tarsilas while the second part is a tarsila of the descendants of Asip, one of the ministers who came to Sulu with Raja Baguinda, a Sumatran prince. (Incidentally, the writer of the tarsilas claimed descent from Asip.) The other two tarsilas, namely, the "Descendants of Tuan Masha'ika" and the "Original and later settlers of Sulu," as well as the "Sulu Historical Notes" were written in Malay, attesting to their antiquity. It is believed that the "Sulu Historical Notes," which consists of four parts, were originally composed before the  Descendants of Tuan Masha'ika" and the "Original and later settlers of Sulu." All three tarsilas have many elements in common, but unlike the "Original and later settlers of Sulu," the "Sulu Historical Notes" do not deal either with the first sultan or his descendants.

Disregarding some differences (if not actual inconsistencies) between the above three tarsilas, and setting aside certain details which are not quite relevant for purposes of this essay, what follows is their summary:

During the time of Raja Sipad the younger, a son or descendant of Raja Sipad the elder, a certain Tuan Masha'ika, arrives in Jolo island, in the area now known as Maimbung. At that time, the inhabitants are not Muslims but worshippers of stones and tombs. On account of his qualities, probably regarding knowledge and skills, he is very much esteemed and respected by the people. In time, he marries a daughter of Raja Sipad. She bears him three children of which two, one male and one female, have Arab names. The name of the female, 'Aisha, is a typical Muslim one. One of the sons, Tuan Hakim, in turn, has four sons (Tuan Da'im, Tuan Buda, Tuan Bujang, and Tuan Muku) and a daughter.

Not long after, people from Basilan (called Tagimahas) and another group called Baklayas settle in Sulu. They are followed by Bajaos supposed to have come from Johore. The Bajaos do not remain in one place but become scattered in various islands.

Some time after the arrival of the Bajaos, a certain Karim ul-makhdum, entitled Sharif Awliya, arrives in Sulu and eventually settles among the Tagimahas nobles in Buansa, who then build a mosque. At this time, the people of Sulu begin to adopt Islam. Ten years later (it is not clear whether after the arrival of Karim ul-makhdum or after the building of the mosque), Raja Baguinda from Menangkabaw, Sumatra, appears with his followers, in Buansa. There is a fight between the Raja and his followers on one hand, and the Tagimahas chiefs of Buansa and their followers on the other. Peace ensues henceforth, especially after it is found out that Raja Baguinda is a Muslim like the Buansa chiefs. Raja Baguinda appears to have become a chief in Buansa as evidenced by the report that five years after his arrival, he , receives a gift of elephants from the Raja of Java. In any case, Raja Baguinda settles in Buansa and marries there. It is important to note that one of the tarsilas mentions that during the arrival of Raja Baguinda, some of the Sulu chiefs (not from Buansa) were Tuan Buda, Tuan Da'im, and Tuan Bujang. These chiefs, it will be recalled, were grandchildren of Tuan Masha'ika of Maimbung.

Now, according to the "Original and later settlers of Sulu," it is while Raja Baguinda is in Buansa that Sayyid Abu Bakr, after. having stayed in or passed through Palembang (in Sumatra) and Brunei, arrives and preaches Islam. The people then become more attached to Islam. Abu Bakr then marries Paramisuli, the daughter of Raja Baguinda, and ends by establishing himself as the first sultan. He lives thirty years in Buansa and upon his death, one of his sons, Kamal ud-Din, succeeds him as sultan. The enumeration of sultans in the "Genealogy of Sulu" is as follows (3) :

1. Abu Bakr (Sultan Sharif)

2. Kamalud Din

3. Maharaja Upo

4. Pangiran Buddiman

5. Sultan Tanga

6. Sultan Bungsu

7. Sultan Nasirud Din

8. Sultan Kamarat

9. Sultan Sahabud Din

10. Sultan Mustafa Shapiud · Din

11. Sultan Mohammad Nasarud Din

12. Sultan Alimud Din I

13. Sultan Mohammad Mu'izzid Din

14. Sultan Sra'il

15. Sultan Mohammad Alimud Din II

16. Sultan Mohammad Sarapud Din

17. Sultan Mohammad Alimud Din III

Judging from the last name in this list of sultans, this enumeration of sultans was completed around 1808 since 'Azim ud~Din JII (Alimud Din III), seventeenth and last in the list, ruled and died in this same year. He was sultan for only 40 days. The earlier portions of the chapter must have been written much earlier. Some of its contents were even told to Dalrymple in 1761. The brief summary above suggests various observations and conclusions:

1. The genealogy of Sulu asserts that the earliest inhabitants of Jolo island were centered in the area of Maimbung, in the southern part of the island. Their rulers were called "Raja Sipad," from the Sanskrit Raja Shripaduka, a title of Indian or Hindu origin. The second wave of settlers were the Tagimahas who came from Basilan and who settled in Buansa, in the northern part Of the island west of the present Jolo town. The third wave were the Baklayas who settled in tne northern part of the island east of Jolo town. They were followed by the Bajaos (and Samals) who settled all over the Sulu archipelago.

2. Tuan Masha'ika was one of the first foreign Muslims to come to the Maimbung area and, therefore, to Jolo island. That some of his children and grandchildren had Arabic names supports this view. Moreover, the "Sulu Historical Notes" state that "Masha'ika begot Mawmin." Now, the word "mu'min" (pl. mu'minin) is an Arabic term for "faithful" or "believer." The phrase, therefore, means that Masha'ika begot Muslims. Furthermore, the word "masha'ikh" is one of the Arabic plural forms for "shaikh," a title of respect. In South Arabia, the term "masha'ikh" is also used for pious men or ,religious leaders to distinguish them from the "sayyids" or "sharifs" who are descendants of the Prophet Muhammad. Of common knowledge, too, is the fact that the majority or Arabs who settled in the Indonesian archipelago came from Southern Arabia.

3. The account of the genealogy of Tuan Masha'ika to the effect that he was "born out of a bamboo and was esteemed and respected by all the people," not only reveals that this land of origin was unknown, but also serves to emphasize his greater knowledge vis-a-vis the people he came to live with. The other report in the · "Sulu Historical Notes" that the parents of Tuan Masha'ika  were sent to Sulu by Alexander the Great shows that the writer of the "Sulu Historical Notes" was acquainted, in one way or another, with the traditions of the Malacca sultans who claimed descent from Alexander the Great. Other Sulu traditions state that the rulers of Sulu were descended from Alexander the Great. This is simply a technique to bolster the claim for legitimacy to rule, for the rulers of Sulu were, in this case, claiming kinship with the Malacca sultans.

4. The coming of Karim ul-makhdum suggests the coming of a Muslim to actually preach Islam. This is unlike the coming of Tuan Masha'ika to whom neither the preaching of Islam nor the building of a mosque is attributed. The word "makhdum,'' in Arabic, means "master." In Arab lands, it is used as a converse of "server." However, in India and in the land of the Malays, the word came to be used as a title for Muslim religious teachers or scholars and pious men. That he was called "Sharif Awliya" suggests that people considered him a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad since this is what "Sharif" connotes. His title of "Awliya," the Arabic plural for wali or saint, implies that he was a pious man.

5. The coming of Raja Baguinda from Sumatra and his establishment of a principality in Buansa creates a dramatic link between Sulu and a center of an older empire, that of Srivijaya, which was ·based in Sumatra. In personal terms, this means that Raja Baguinda was claiming uninterrupted sovereignty. His marriage with a local girl also means that his descendants who became sultans had rights to land in Sulu by virtue of bilateral relations. In brief, the Sulu sultans who were descended from Raja Baguinda could not be criticized as representing a foreign dynasty; after all, their ancestries who married the Raja was of local origin. In effect, the links with Raja Baguinda who was asserted to be a "Sumatran prince bolstered the claims of Sulu sultans to reign in Malay lands.

6. Sayyid Abu Ba'kr, who was entitled Sultan Sharif, is also asserted to have been a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. The word "sayyid" like "sharif" connotes this. It has been held by some classical Muslim jurists that one of the qualifications for a khalif was to belong to the Quraish or family of the Prophet. Clearly, then, the claim of the Sulu sultans to rule over Muslims is based on their reputed descent from the Prophet, through Sayyid Abu Bakr. But again, in order to strengthen their claims on the land without appearing fully as a foreign dynasty, the Sulu sultans claimed descent from the wife of the first sultan who, in spite of her being a daughter of Raja Baguinda, was considered a local girl. Indeed, her mother was reported to have been a lady from Buansa.

7. In brief, the Sulu tarsilas, particularly those owned by the Sulu royal family, are not mere genealogical accounts made for posterity's sake, but represent documentary evidence par excellence to support their claim of legitimacy to rule over Muslims as well as their claims to their right to the land. The tarsilas are also meant to show kinship and historical links between Sulu and older centers of empire.

8. Of great importance is that the three above-mentioned tarsilas try to explain the advent and the spread of Islam in Sulu. As such, they represent an affirmation that Sulu constituted an important part of the Islamic international community-that of dar-ul-Islam.

The problem can now be raised as to the authenticity or historicity of the personalities and accounts found in the tarsilas as well as to that of the chronology.

IV

First of all, the elaborate and well-preserved tomb of the Sultan of Sulu, Sultan Sharif, still exists on one of the slopes of Mt. Tumangtangis which faces Buansa. The tomb carries the elaborate titles of the Sultan; but, unfortunately, it carries no date. A stone slab nearby is pointed out as the marker of the grave of Kamal ud-Din, the second sultan.

According to Spanish records, Spanish soldiers in 1638 destroyed one of the most revered tombs near Buansa. This tomb was a centeir of pilgrimages and was supposed to be that of a Muslim ruler who had come from other lands. Whether or not this tomb was that of Raja Baguinda remains an unsolved problem.

The fourth sultan, Pangiran Buddiman, was known to the Spaniards in 1578. He was a brother-in-law of the Brunei Sultan Saif ur-Rijal and had a home in Brunei.) The fifth sultan, called Pangiran Tengah, was also known to the Spaniards and the Jesuit Francisco Combes narrated a few things about him. This same priest also had various times conversed with Sultan Bongsu. In effect, all the sultans numbered from 4 to 17 in the "Genealogy of Sulu," had dealings with the Spaniards and some of them had even communicated with the Dutch and the English. However, that sultans from 4 to 17 are to be considered as historical figures only because of the existence of cross references in European sources, is no reason why the first three sultans cannot be regarded as historical figures. in their own right. It is just unfortunate for scholars that the first three sultans had no dealings with or were unknown to the Spaniards, who were simply not to be found in the area. But, indeed, there are Spanish references to a Sulu ruler in 1521 who happened to be a father-in-law of the Brunei sultan. This ruler might have been one of the earlier sultans. On the basis of other tarsilas or Sulu traditions not reported by Saleeby, it accepted that it was the first sultan who placed the different peoples of Sulu, including those in the mountains in the interior, under one rule. Thus did Sulu begin to have the semblance of a principality or small state.

Unfortunately, not a single Sulu tarsila bears any date. (The same holds true for the Maguindanao tarsilas.) The Brunei Silsilah, however, contains one single date. Scholars cannot, so far, be. absolutely sure about, or conclusively prove, the existence of Tuan Masha'ika or Raja Baguinda. But this does not mean that they did not exist. On the contrary, to assume that they existed can explain a great deal of Sulu history. Actually, by cross references to other sources, historical or archaeological, the probability is that they actually existed. And more than this, they signify persons involved in the dramatic political and religious transformations in the history of Southeast Asia.

Professor Oliver Wolters, in his brilliant book The Fall of Srivijaya in Malay History, describes a momentous event in the history of Southeast Asia which took place in 1397, a time coincident with the final dissolution of the Srivijayan empire. (4)

His researches revealed that around this year a prince of Palembang, Sumatra, threw off his allegiance to Java, and consequently incurred a brutal invasion. A source says that this prince escaped with a small following to found, after some adventures, a kingdom in Singapore, after which he or his descendants founded Malacca. Another source, however, mentions that the princely evacuation was of such great magnitude that "the sea seemed to be nothing but ships." It says: "So vast was the fleet that there seemed to be no counting. The masts of the ships were like a forest of trees; their pennons and streamers were like driving clouds and the state umbrellas of the Rajas like cirrus." (5)

Referring back to this incident at the end of one of his appendices, Professor Wolters concludes that " ... the years immediately before 1400 were a disturbed time in the western archipelago, and this is another, and perhaps more likely, time when small groups of adventurers migrated to Borneo and elsewhere." (6) 

One is tempted to ask whether Raja Baguinda was not one of these Sumatran adventurers who came to the Philippines to found a principality. The "Sulu Historical Notes" and the "Original and later  Settlers of Sulu" mention that he went to Zamboanga first, whence he sailed to Basilan until he decided to transfer to Buansa where , he and his followers first had to fight the Tagimahas chiefs before he could establish a principality. That the tarsilas say he came from Menangkabaw instead of Palembang is not of much consequence; for the central power in Sumatra in the few years before 1400 was located in Palembang. It does seem that some of the Palembang adventurers had founded not only the city of Malacca, which was to become the greatest emporium and Islamic center in Southeast Asia in the 15th century, but also a principality in Sulu which had become so important later on as to attract the Sharif Abu Bakr. The Malays who eventually left Palembang for Malacca saw this principality as the heir to, or the continuity of, the empire of Srivijaya-an assertion of Malay maritime supremacy in the area of the western archipelago. When the Sulus aimed to build Sulu as the greatest trading center in their own area in the eastern archipelago, was this not a parallel of the action of Malacca's founders?

There is an indirect evidence to further support the speculation that Raja Baguinda came to Sulu about 1397 A.D. or slightly later. This has to do with the tarsila report that, five years after his arrival, Raja Baguinda received a gift of elephants from Raja of Java. This date can be placed at anywhere between, say, 1397 A.D. and 1405. Now, in 1410 A.D., the new ruler of Brunei, in the north of Borneo, formally requested the Chinese Emperor that he should not pay tribute anymore to Java (Majapahit) but instead to the Celestial throne. This request was approved by the Emperor. (7)

All this means that before 1410 A.D., Brunei was tributary to Java. Most likely, the ruler who gave a gift of elephants to Raja Baguinda was not the ruler of Java (Majapahit) but one of the petty rulers of the numerous principalities that constituted the Javanese Empire. Widely-held traditions in Sulu state that the elephants came from the northeastern part of Borneo, an area where Brunei rulers exercised power. Thus, the gift came from the Brunei ruler, or his successor, who stopped being in 1410 A.D. one of the petty rulers tributary to the empire of Majapahit. Consequently, Raja Baguinda must have received his gift not later than 1410 A.D.

In his work on Sulu, Saleeby calculated that Sayyid Abu Bakr arrived in Sulu around 1450 A.D. This calculation was based on his belief that the Sayyid was the same Abu Bakr who, according to the Sejarah Melayu, was in Malacca during the reign of the Malaccan Sultan Mansur Shah. Furthermore, Saleeby calculated that Mansur Shah had began to reign in 1400 A.D. Making allowance for various protracted stops in Palembang and Brunei, he concluded that Abu Bakr must have arrived in Sulu between 1436 A.D. and 1450 A.D. This calculation of Saleeby is not found in his above-mentioned book but in an unpublished essay entitled "The Establishment of the Mohammedan Church in Sulu and Mindanao: 

The Earliest Mohammedan Missionaries in Mindanao and Sulu." (8) 

However, after Saleeby had written his book and essay, a more definite and accurate chronology of the Malacca sultan emerged. Mansur Shah, the sixth Malacca sultan, is now known to have ruled from 1458 (or 1459) to 1477 A.D. Thus, the Abu Bakr who was in Malacca during this reign could not have been the Sayyid Abu Bakr who, in Saleeby's conjecture, had come to Sulu around 1450. However, in the above-mentioned unpublished essay, Saleeby calculated, on the basis of the number of generations of succeeding Sulu sultan's, that Abu Bakr's reign had begun between 1407 A.D. and 1436 A.D. This calculation fits the well-thought out speculation that his father-in-law, Raja Baguinda, left Sumatra in 1397 A.D. and arrived in Sulu not much later. Incidentally, Alexander Dalrymple, using Isaac Newton's computation for the reign of princes, calculated that the Sulu sultanate under the first sultan was established about 1526 A.D.(9) 

But if it is considered that Dalrymple's list of sultans misses at least three of the earlier sultans and if 25 years instead of 20 is used for each generation, the sultanate might as well have been established in the first half of the 15th century. Indeed, the date of 1526 A.D. is wrong since Spanish records state that in 1521 there was already a ruler in Sulu who had enough prestige to have become the father in- law of the Brunei sultan at that time.

Since the coming of Karim ul-makhdum to Sulu is stated by all tarsilas to have antedated that of Raja Baguinda by at least ten years, the date given by Saleeby, that is, about 1380 ·"A.D., can be accepted for want of better reasons to support another date. Actually, the end of the 14th century and the early part of the 15th century had witnessed various makhdum in (pl. of makhdum) coming to Java, Malacca, and North Borneo by way of India. That two or three places in the Sulu archipelago presently claim the grave of a makhdum is not a contradiction. The difficulty is that all of these places claim that their respective graves are the resting place of Karim ulmakhdum.My researches have shown that at least one other makhdum came to Sulu in the first few years of the 15th century and that he was associated with Chinese traders or travellers. He is buried in Bud Agad in the interior of Jolo island, and his name is different from that of Karim ul-makhdum.

As for Tuan Masha'ika, which is actually not a name but a title, not much can be said about the exact time of his coming beyond what is reported by the tarsilas. To seek a definite date of his arrival is an exercise in futility. The most that can be said about him is that since his grandchildren were already chiefs in Maimbung when Raja Baguinda came to Buansa about 1397 A.D., he must have come to Sulu by the ..first half of the 14th century. But if this is so, then he might not have been the first Muslim to have come to Sulu; although it is still entirely possible that he was the first Muslim to have come to Maimbung, The evidence for this is the grave of a foreign Muslim in Bud Dato, close to Jolo town, which bears the date of 710 A.H. (1310 A.D.). 

The name on the grave is that of Tuhan (Tuan) Maqbalu. However, is it possible that Maqbalu is the proper name of Tuan Masha'ika and that they are one and the same person? 

If so, then Tuan Masha'ika's grandchildren would have indeed been very aged chiefs of not less than 60 or 70 years when Raja Baguinda arrived. However, a peculiarity of tarsilas is that they tend to encompass events or, as some historians put it, to telescope them. Indeed, the tarsilas do not say that the Maimbung chiefs who were descended from Tuan Masha'ika, either fought against or greeted Raja Baguinda. The "Original and later settlers of Sulu" state tersely that they were chiefs living at that time, and this could mean at around that time. 

Certainly, they were not in Buansa, and they could have lived much earlier. Indeed, to say that they were chiefs living during the arrival of the Raja is a simple case of telescoping events, and it would be rash to dismiss the possibility that the Tuan Maqbalu who died in 1310 A.D. is identical to Tuan Masha'ika. 

v

Although the tarsilas in the "Genealogy of Sulu" are of great importance, there are also other important Sulu tarsilas. These can often serve to supplement the former. It is significant to note that some Tawi-Tawi tarsilas contain, for the same period of time, the names of other sultans not found in the "Genealogy of Sulu." An example is the name of Badar-ud-Din I. This sultan was known to the Dutch and the Spaniards and had written letters to them. 

He reigned from about 1718 to 1732 and was the father of the well-known Sultan 'Azim ud Din I (known to the Spaniards and most Sulus as Alimudin) who was proclaimed sultan of Sulu in 1735. His name should have, therefore, been inserted between Sultan Muhammad Nasarud Din (no. 11) and Sultan Alimud Din I (no. 12) in the "Genealogy of Sulu." Other tarsilas insist that Alawadin, a brother of Sultan Kamalud Din (no. 2), succeeded him as sultan-something denied by the "Genealogy of Sulu." As a matter of fact, the elimination of the names of some sultans in a tarsila signify dynastic problems' or controversies. Some names have been eliminated probably to prevent their descendants from becoming pretenders to the throne. 

In effect, some tarsilas can be quite selective in the enumeration of names. Saleeby was himself quite aware of this fact: in his History of Sulu he had to depend on other sources, notably certain khutbahs, to have a more correct enumeration or succession of Sulu sultans. Now, a khutbah is normally a sermon delivered in Muslim Friday congregational prayers. Some of them, however, were composed specially to serve as prayers for the Prophet Muhammad and the first four so-called "rightly guided" khalifs as well as for all persons who had reigned, including the incumbent ruler, as sultans in Sulu. 

They had become public knowledge by virtue of their repeated recitation in the mosques. Thus, it was not easy to tamper with the names of the sultans enumerated in such formalized khutbahs. A peculiarity of such khutbahs is that they were written in literary Arabic by relatively learned teachers or religious leaders. Consequently, there was the conscious effort to mention the sultans by their Arabic names, whenever possible.

On the basis of the "Genealogy of Sulu," other Sulu tarsilas, a few khutbahs, seals of sultans found in their letters and now found in various archives, coins struck by them, and European historical references, especially Spanish, Dutch, and English, the following succession of sultans is presented. Their Arabic names as stated in the khutbahs as well as their common names are specified.

1. Sultan Sharif ul-Hasihim (Sayyid Abu Bakr) - c.1450 - c.1480.

2. Sultan Kamal ud-Din.

3. Sultan 'Ala ud-Din.

4. Sultan Amir ul-'Umara (Maharaja di Raja) : ruled during the early 1500's.

5. Sultan Mu'izz ul-Mutawadi'in (Maharaja Upo).

6. Sultan Nasir ud-Din· I (Digunung, Habud).

7. Sultan Muhammad ul-Halim (Pangiran Buddirnan): was ruling in 1578.

8. Sultan Batara Shah (Pangiran Tengah - c.1590 - c.1610.

9. Sultan Muwallil Wasit (Raja Bongsu) -. c.1610 - 1650.

10. Sultan Nasir ud-Din II (Pangiran Sarikula) - c.1645 - c.1648.

11. Sultan Salah ud-Din Bakhtiar (Pangiran Bactial) - 1650 - c.1680.

12. Sultan 'Ali Shah.

13. Sultan Nur ul-' Azam-c.1685.

14. Sultan AI Haqunu Ibn Waliyul-Ahad - died c.1690.

15. Sultan Shahab ud-Din - c.1690 - c.l710.

16. Sultan Mustafa Shafi ud-Din - c.1710- c.l718. ·

17. Sultan Badar ud-Din I - c.l718 - 1732.

18. Sultan N asr ud-Din (Datu Sabdula) - 1732 - 1735.

19. Sultan 'Azim ud-Din I (Alimudin I) -1735 -1748; 1764-1774.

20. Sultan Mu'izz ud-Din (Datu Bantilan) - 1748- 1763.

21. Sultan Muhammad Is.ra'il - 1774 - 1778.

22. Sultan 'Azim ud-Din II (Alimudin II) - 1778 - 1791.

23. Sultan Sharaf ud-Din (Datu Salapudin) - 1791 - 1808.

24. Sultan 'Azim ud-Din III (Alimuddin III) - 1808.

25. Sultan 'Ali ud-Din - 1808 - 1821.

26. Sultan Shakirullah (Datu Sakilan) - 1821 - 1823.

27. Sultan Jamal ul-Kiram I- 1823- 1842.

28. Sultan Muhammad Fadl (Pulalun) - 1842 - 1862.

29. Sultan Jamal ul-'Azam- 1862 - 1881.

30. Sultan Badar ud-Din II - 1881 - 1884.

31. Sultan Harun ar-Rashid - 1886 - 1894.

32. Sultan Jamal ul-Kiram II - 1884 - 1936.

The exact dates for the reigns of at least fifteen of the above 32 sultans are known with certitude. The rest have to be calculated. The most comprehensive attempt at a chronology for the Sulu sultans is found in the work Muslims in the Philippines. (1o)

VI

As mentioned earlier, some tarsilas contain mythological elements as well as incidents considered· miraculous or normally impossible. It may be recalled that "Descendants of Tuan Masha'ika" say that he was born out of a bamboo. It also adds that he was not a descendant of Adam. The bamboo motif is quite common in many of the myths and traditions of the Malay peoples. The original meaning of such a myth is probably lost. However, it has certain functions, among which is portray the beginnings of mankind or certain important historical figures whose ancestry are not traceable. 

Thus, to say that Tuan Masha'ika was born out of a bamboo is to state that his origins were unknown. Here, also, the bamboo motif may be understood as a literary device to indicate the starting point of a story. The allegation that Tuan Masha'ika was not descended from Adam only serves to emphasize that he was an extraordinary man vis-a-vis the people he had come to live with, and that he represented a different and superior culture.

The report that Karim ul-makhdum came on an iron pot or vessel might mean that he came on a boat different from those used by the Sulu inhabitants at that time and that it was probably a boat utilizing metals in its construction. There are other tarsilas that· narrate how the Makhdum came walking over the water. This is very interesting, for it suggests that the Mukhdum was a member of a mystical (Sufi) brotherhood (tariqat) of the Qadiriya order. The reputed founder of this tariqat was the famous Muslim mystic and saintly man called 'Abdul Qadir Al-Jilani ( 470 A.H.-561 A.H. or 1077 A.D.-1166 A.D.) to whom, it is believed, God gave the power to walk on the waters of rivers and seas. 

Even at present he remains the patron saint of fishermen and sailors in some parts of the Islamic world. Thus to say that Karim ul-makhdum walked on water is simply an allegorical or symbolic manner of stating that he belonged to the Qadiriya tariqat. Actually, a study of many of the makhdum in who went to Malaya and Indonesia had been Sufis and to them had been attributed extraordinary or magical powers. This is probably one reason why Karim ul-makhdum had been called "Sharif Awliya," for such men had been considered saintly and full of Allah's blessings to the extent that they were supposed to have barakah, that is, the power to confer blessings . on other people. 

To conclude, no history on the Muslims of the Philippines can be written without paying due regard to tarsilas. Their existence can also be a source of pride not only for the Muslims but for all Filipinos; for they represent the efforts of the human mind to understand the past· within an ordered pattern -that of descent and sequence of events in time and space, Moreover, they have given part of the Filipino people a historical sense, without which their present would be unintelligible and their future blurred.

(*) Paper prepared for a seminar-workshop on Filipino Muslim History and. Culture, conducted by the Department of History, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the East (Manila, October 20, 1977).

1.  Saleeby, Najeeb M., The History of Sulu (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, Inc., 1963).

2. The "Genealogy of Sulu" and the "Sulu Historical Notes" are found in ibid., pp. 30-36.

3. Cf. Ibid., p. 34. The names of the above seventeen ( 17) sultans are Saleeby's transcriptions from the Arabic Jawi script. Strictly speaking, not all follow the correct Arabic transcriptions of the names the way they are spelled classically. For example, the Tausug Sarapud Din is Sharaf-ud-Din in correct Arabic, which a learned man ('alim) in Sulu would normally use.

4. Wolters, Oliver, The Fall of Srivijaya in Malay History (London: Asia Major Library, Lund Humphries, 1970).

5. Ibid., p. 76.

6. Ibid., p. 190.

7. Brown, D. E., Brunei: The Structure and History of a Bornean Malay Sultanate. (Brunei: Star Press, 1970), p. 133.

8. A copy was in the Beyer Collection.

9. Alexander Dalrymple, "Essay towards an account of Sulu," The Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, Volume III, Singapore, 1849, p. 565,

10. See Cesar Adib Majul, Muslims in the Philippines (U.P. Press,Quezon City, second edition 1973), pp. 14-24 for dates of the reigns of sultans and the bases for their statement.