Perang Rundum 1915 : Kisah Perjuangan Suku Kaum Murut Di Borneo Utara.

Perang Rundum 1915 : Kisah Perjuangan Suku Kaum Murut Di Borneo Utara.

Gambar gambar Suku Murut dengan pakaian perang 

Di awal abad ke 20 sekitar tahun 1900 sehingga 1915 pihak SBBUB memperluaskan sistem pentadbiran kompeni sehingga ke kawasan perdalaman termasuk sempadan Kalimantan dan Sarawak. Pada tahun 1908 Suku Dayak dari Sarawak menyerang perkampungan Murut dan suku Murut cuba mempertahankan kawasan mereka dan menyerang balas serangan Suku Dayak.

Pahlawan pahlawan Murut menjadikan Rundum sebagai kubu kuat mereka. Kawasan Rundum tidak pernah diketahui orang ramai sebelum tahun 1898, sehingga Fraser menghantar Anggota Polis ke sana pada tahun 1899. Pada tahun 1907 kompeni membuka pusat pentadbiran kompeni Di Tomani. 

Pusat Pentadbiran kompeni Di Rundum Di buka pada tahun 1910. Dari Rundum ke Tenom mengambil masa 3 hari jalan kaki yg dikelilingi hutan tropika yg tebal. Suku kaum murut tinggal di rumah panjang dan pihak kompeni cuba menghentikan budaya memotong kepala musuh dan juga memperkenalkan undang undang tanah serta sistem cukai yg tidak difahami oleh masyarakat peribumi. 

Pemberontakan Murut yg pertama sebenarnya bermula pada tahun 1909 yg diketuai oleh seorang pahlawan Murut bernama Linggam dan kekuatan perang kaum Murut akan bertambah kuat jika bergabung dengan satu kumpulan perang Murut lagi yg diketuai oleh seorang pahlawan bernama Melayak. Dua Pasukan tentera Murut ini gagal bergabung apabila Si Linggam di tangkap dan Si Melayak terkorban di dalam satu operasi pantas pasukan polis kompeni yg ketuai oleh George Whoolley. 

George Woolley cuba memahami adat dan budaya suku Murut dan tidak ada kekacauan berlaku sehingga beliau berpindah ke kawasan lain. Pada bulan Jun 1914 seorang lagi Pahlawan Murut bernama Belayong memberontak apabila kompeni mengarahkan suku Murut membuat jalan rentas menyambungkan Rundum dengan Pensiangan. Pahlawan Belayong membuat Kubu Di Sungai Tagul dimana pihak polis kompeni dengan mudah dapat memusnahkan kubu tersebut tetapi mereka gagal menangkap si Belayong. 

Pada bulan February 1915 semua pekerja suku Murut yg ditugaskan membuat jalan rentas didapati tiba tiba menghilangkan diri. ADO Rundum bernama NB Babonneau yg dalam proses memindahkan pejabatnya dari Rundum ke Pensiangan diserang hendap oleh Pasukan perang Murut dimana seorang Anggota Polis terbunuh dan Babonneau nyaris nyaris terselamat dan sampai ke Pensiangan. Apabila mengetahui yg hampir semua suku kaum Murut memberontak di bawah seorang pemimpin yg luar biasa dan berwibawa bernama Antanum, Babonneau terpaksa berundur ke Rundum setelah pusat pentadbiran Pensiangan musnah diserang. 

Pihak pemberontak memotong talian telegraph tetapi Babonneau sempat meminta bantuan dari pentadbiran kompeni Di Tenom. Pada 6.3.1915 pusat pentadbiran kompeni Di Rundum Di serang dengan kekuatan Pasukan perang Murut sebanyak 600 hingga 700 orang. Pasukan polis Di Rundum ada yg terkorban dan Pusat Pentadbiran Rundum sendiri hampir musnah dan kehadiran Pasukan polis bantuan sempat menyelamatkan nyawa Baboneau dan menyerang balas serangan kaum murut sehingga mereka terpaksa berundur ke kubu mereka di selangit kawasan tagol. Antanom Di sokong oleh hampir semua ketua ketua puak Murut dari kawasan Keningau Tenom Pensiangan dan Rundum sehingga mencapai jumlah 900 orang pahlawan. 

Pihak kompeni pada 14.3.1915 menyerang dan mengebom Kubu Antanom Di Selangit. Kesudahan perang tersebut 350 pahlawan Murut gugur termasuk pahlawan Murut yg terbilang seperti Antanom, Kalur dan Ansokul. Perang Rundum sebenarnya menampakkan kepada pihak kompeni bahawa sesuatu kaum itu jika terlalu ditindas maka satu hari nanti mereka akan bangun memberontak melawan Kerajaan atau pemerintah. Tulisan : Kumis Kumis. Sumber K G Tregonning dan Ranjit Singh . Gambar : Murut dengan pakaian tradisi mereka. Sumber : Owen Rutter - The Pagans Of North Borneo

Perang Padas Damit 1888 : Satu Persoalan Siapakah Pengiran Shahbandar Hassan?? - Kumis Kumis

Mohon Izin : (Perang Padas Damit 1888 : Satu Persoalan Siapakah Pengiran Shahbandar Hassan?? ) (Kok Yun Lim dan Pengiran Suheirman PS) Perang Padas Damit merupakan satu Peperangan yg agak kompleks bagi pihak SBBUB disebabkan Sultan Brunei dan Treacher telah bersetuju untuk menyerahkan Daerah Padas-Klias kepada pihak kompeni dengan bayaran tahunan sebanyak $150 setahun pada 5.11.1884. 

Pemerintah Padas Damit adalah Pengiran Shahbandar yg mewakili pemiliknya Babu Fatimah yg mendapat Sungai Tulin Padas Damit sebagai berian oleh Sultan Brunei. Apabila pegawai kompeni cuba mengambil alih kawasan yg baru mereka dapat ini, tiba tiba di bantah oleh Pengiran Shahbandar bahawa tebing Sungai sebelah kanan Sungai Padas adalah sempadan Sungai Tulin Padas Damit. 

Berlaku juga salah faham antara Ketua ketua Masyarakat Padas Klias apabila Pengiran Shahbandar turun ikut campur segala urusan yg melibatkan kawasan Padas Klias. Pihak kompeni pula enggan berunding dgn Pengiran Shahbandar dan dengan Segera memohon campur tangan Sultan untuk menyelesaikan masalah ini atas dasar syarat syarat perjanjian 5.11.1884. 

Salah faham ini berlanjutan selama 2 tahun sehingga satu dokumen bertarikh 1.2.1887 Dikeluarkan oleh Kerajaan Brunei menyatakan bahawa penyerahan kawasan Padas Klias pada 5.11.1884 adalah sah dan menyatakan ada beberapa bayaran kepada beberapa Pengiran pemilik / pentadbir beberapa Sungai tulin belum Di bayar dan memohon ehsan pihak kompeni untuk membantu menjelaskan bayaran yg dituntut oleh pemilik dan pentadbir Sungai tulin. P

engiran Shahbandar membantah keputusan Kerajaan Brunei dan menuntut haknya sebagai pentadbir Sungai Tulin Padas Damit. Dalam satu kejadian dimana sebanyak tiga kali ketua ketua masyarakat Padas Klias menanam tanda sempadan kawasan dan tiga kali juga Pengiran Shahbandar dan orang orangnya memusnahkan tanda sempadan tersebut. Ketua ketua masyarakat dan rakyat tulin yg memindahkan kesetiaan mereka kepada pihak kompeni dan berpindah masuk kedalam sempadan kompeni sentiasa diserang dan dibunuh oleh orang orang bersenjata Pengiran Shahbandar termasuk Pasukan polis peribadi dan para pengikutnya.. Serangan terhadap ketua ketua masyarakat Padas Klias yg tidak setia akan di buat secara terang terangan Di waktu siang hari sehingga banyak rumah dan Harta benda musnah. Beberapa percubaan untuk mencari perdamaian antara ketua masyarakat dgn Pengiran Shahbandar tidak berjaya. 

Peperangan sempadan berlaku dan berlarutan dengan pelbagai aduan Di buat kepada pihak kompeni. Perang sempadan ini membuka ruang kepada penjenayah untuk mengambil peluang sehinggalah ada satu kejadian kes bunuh abang sendiri oleh pekerja kompeni yg bernama Patek lari dari kawasan kompeni dan meminta perlindungan kepada Pengiran Shahbandar. Pengiran Shahbandar Di sokong oleh Charles Brooke yg turut membantah penyerahan Sungai tulin Padas Damit. Pihak kompeni memohon beberapa kali untuk menyerahkan Patek kepada pihak kompeni tetapi Pengiran Shahbandar menolak permintaan kompeni. 

Masalah Padas Damit ini berlarutan sehingga ke Pejabat Luar Kerajaan British atas sebab kes ini melibatkan kuasa kuasa yg Di luar bidang kuasa Kompeni. Pejabat Luar British enggan ikut campur dalam masalah perang sempadan ini. Apabila semua cara cara melalui proses yg sewajarnya antara pejabat luar dan Sultan gagal maka pihak kompeni mengambil keputusan untuk menghantar orang yg bertanggung jawab terhadap kawasan Padas Klias untuk menuntut agar Patek menyerahkan diri dan jika gagal maka kompeni telah membuat keputusan akan menangkap Patek dengan bantuan Polis. Sebenarnya apabila pihak kompeni cuba mencari jalan untuk menyelesaikan masalah perang sempadan dan isu perlindungan seorang penjenayah, Pengiran Shahbandar pula secara diam selama beberapa bulan itu sibuk mengumpul senjata dan membuat kubu.

 Pada 8.12.1888 En Daly dan Kapten R D Beeston dengan Pasukan polis menuju ke rumah penjenayah yg bernama Patek Di kawasan Padas Damit. Di dalam perjalanan menuju Padas Damit Pasukan polis kompeni di serang hendap oleh 150 orang orang Pengiran Shahbandar dengan keadaan yg agak sukar pihak polis kompeni terpaksa mengundurkan diri. Serangan Pengiran Shahbandar itu adalah tanda Bermulanya perang Padas Damit yg rumit selama 4 bulan sehingga berakhir dengan kubu galela milik pengiran Shahbandar berjaya ditawan pada 10.3.1889 Di mana 7 orang polis terbunuh dan 42 orang orang pengiran Shahbandar cedera atau terbunuh. 

Selepas kubu tersebut ditawan keesokan harinya pihak kompeni membawa pengiran Shahbandar berunding mencari perdamaian dengan meletakan beberapa syarat antaranya seorang penjenayah bernama Patek diserahkan kembali kepada pihak polis dan Sungai tulin Padas Damit diserahkan kepada pihak kompeni dengan bayaran tahunan. Perang Padas Damit merupakan perang kompeni yg Pertama kali dan berhadapan dengan pemimpin tempatan borneo Utara yg sebenarnya boleh dielak jika pihak kompeni dari awal lagi mengambil kira permintaan Pengiran Shahbandar. Buat Pertama kali nya pihak kompeni menambah Anggota Polis sebanyak 300 orang lengkap dengan senjata mendarat Di Labuan . 

Perang Padas Damit adalah cara kompeni menunjukkan kepada masyarakat pribumi kesungguhan pihak kompeni untuk melindungi Anggota Polisnya serta menuntut hak mereka seperti yg termaktub dalam perjanjian 1884. Padas Damit akhirnya diserahkan kepada kompeni oleh Pengiran Shahbandar Bahar Bin Pengiran Anak Ismail dalam perjanjian bertarikh 1.3.1889 serta 2.3.1889 bersama Gabenor Charles Vandelor Creagh dengan bayaran $330.00 setahun termasuk hutang kompeni kepada Pengiran Shahbandar selama 2 tahun bercampur bunga sebanyak $100.00 serta 5 % setahun berjumlah $733.50.. 

Pihak kompeni juga setuju membayar Pengiran Shahbandar Wang sara-hidup sebanyak $2130.00 setahun dan jika beliau sudah tiada warisnya akan Di bayar $1065.00 setahun. Pihak kompeni setuju memberi Wang pendahuluan sebanyak $2130.00 kepada Pengiran Shahbandar. Perjanjian ini juga ditandatangani oleh Sultan dan Babu Fatimah. Persoalannya disini memandangkan Pengiran Shahbandar Bahar ibni Pengiran Anak Damit @Pengiran Anak Ismael yg menandatangani perjanjian dengan pihak kompeni maka penulis ingin bertanya kepada semua pembaca yg budiman siapakah Pengiran Shahbandar Hassan?? Adakah pihak kompeni tersilap bahawa pengiran Hassan sebenarnya Pengiran Bahar??.. Mari kita bincang bincang sejarah.... 

Penulis : Kumis Kumis , Sumber Owen Rutter, K G Tregonning, Prof Ranjit Singh dan perjanjian SBBUB dengan Pengiran Shahbandar Bahar pemerintah Sungai Tulin Padas Damit bagi pihak Babu Fatimah.. Gambar George Woolley dan kredit kepada Muzium Negeri Sabah.

Sejarah Putatan di Zaman Datu Menteri Babu

Mohon Izin - (Sejarah Putatan Di Zaman Datu Menteri Babu) 

Daerah Penampang dikatakan tidak berpenghuni di abad yg ke 17. Cuma ada sebuah perkampungan Brunei di Kinarut di mana Sultan Hakkul Mubin, yg memerintah Brunei dari tahun 1660-1673, pernah menjadikan Kampung tersebut sebagai tempat tinggal dan kubu pertahanannya (Maxwell, 2001). Satu tindakan yg dikatakan di rancang oleh Sultan Muhyiddin yg memerintah Brunei dari tahun 1673-1690 selepas Peperangan Kinarut , menyebabkan ramai suku kaum Orang Laut (Bajau) Kinarut berpindah ke Putatan dan Kawang.

(Dalrymple, 1767) yg melawat Sabah pada tahun 1762-1763 mendapati suku kaum Kadazan dusun (idaan) wujud hanya di Tuaran dan di Papar tetapi tidak menyebutkan suku kaum kadazandusun Putatan. (Forrest, 1779) yg melawat Sabah pada tahun 1776 mengatakan belum ada kewujudan suku kaum kadazandusun tetapi kaum China sudah mula tinggal dan menetap di Putatan menanam tanaman lada putih. 

Seratus tahun kemudian (Von Donop, 1883) mencatatkan ada tinggalan kesan tanaman lada putih oleh penduduk suku kaum China tetapi atas sebab dikenakan bayaran cukai yg agak tinggi oleh Rajah kawasan ini dan dibenarkan oleh Sultan Brunei maka ramai suku kaum China berpindah keluar dari Putatan. Pada masa inilah kemunculan suku kaum kadazandusun ke Daerah Penampang. Menteri Babu dikatakan berasal dari suku kaum Bangkaakon. 

Nenek moyang Menteri Babu berasal dari Sungai Kawanan dekat Nunuk Ragang berhijrah ke Penampang. Suku kaum Bangkaakon menetap di kawasan dataran dari Moyog (Babagon) sehinggalah di kawasan Utara Bantayan. Inanam dan Kionsom pada masa itu didiami oleh suku kaum Tobilung dan suku kaum Tanggara berhijrah ke selatan Moyog hampir dengan Putatan (Shim, 2000). Menteri Babu merupakan seorang tokoh yg terkenal dan berpengaruh di Penampang di abad yg ke 19. Apa yg menarik adalah Menteri Babu merupakan seorang wanita yg memimpin kaumnya Di zaman pergolakan, zaman Perubahan pemerintahan iaitu zaman pemerintahan Brunei dan zaman pemerintahan British. Serta zaman pemberontakan. Menteri Babu dikatakan sudah lahir pada tahun 1815 sama dengan pahlawan Tanggara yg hebat bernama Monsopiad . 

Menteri Babu tinggal Di beberapa buah Kampung yg utama adalah Kampung Guunsing tapi rekod British mengatakan beliau tinggal di Kampung terawi. Menurut catatan pihak British Menteri Babu sebenarnya bernama Si Limpay. Suami beliau sudah meninggal dunia dan Menteri Babu adalah seorang yg kaya sambil mempunyai tanah sawah padi yg luas serta rumah yg tercantik. Beliau dikatakan menetap di Terawi. Governor Mr Wheatley setelah mendapat Sungai tulin Putatan pada tahun 1884, telah mengurniakan jawatan Menteri Babu kepada Si Limpay pada 9.5.1884. Menteri Babu juga Di lantik sebagai Native Chief dengan gaji $5.00 sebulan. Ada 5 orang Native Chief Di Putatan ketika itu selain dari Menteri Babu iaitu Datu Setia, Datu Panglima, Datu Maharajalela dan Datu Perkasa. 

Setiap Native Chief selain mendapat gaji layak menerima 1/5 dari jumlah poll tax yg dikutip. Pada tahun 1893 menteri babu memperbaiki rumahnya dan pada bulan March 1900 beliau jatuh sakit dan akhirnya meninggal dunia pada 1.1.1901. 

Suami Menteri Babu pula ada Legendanya sendiri dimana beliau dikatakan orang yg berjaya mendapat Mutiara dari seekor Naga yg waktu itu hidup Di kawasan Laut antara Pulau Gaya dan Putatan. Legenda ini cuma segelintir orang Penampang saja yg tahu. Mutiara tersebut sebesar telur angsa. Selepas berjaya melarikan Mutiara Naga dan mendayung ke pantai, Suami menteri babu mendapati bahawa Mutiara Naga itu mempunyai kuasa untuk melembutkan tanah yg dipijak seolah olah orang itu boleh tenggelam atau ditelan ke dalam Bumi. Satu cara saja agar seseorang yg membawa Mutiara Naga itu agar tidak di telan Bumi adalah berganti ganti memindahkan Mutiara Naga itu kepada seorang demi seorang sehingga mereka sampai di rumah. Menteri Babu memanggil beberapa orang bobohizon dari kawasan sekitar untuk mengadakan upacara sembahyang untuk menghilangkan kuasa Mutiara Naga yg mampu menelan seseorang yg memegangnya ke dalam Bumi.. 

Upacara itu mengambil satu jangka masa yg agak lama dan akhirnya mereka berjaya menghilangkan kuasa Mutiara Naga yg boleh menelan orang ke Bumi. Pada suatu ketika apabila Suami menteri babu meninggal dunia, ada cadangan untuk menghidupkan beliau kembali dengan menggunakan Mutiara Naga tadi. Apabila Mutiara Naga Diletakkan Di tangan beliau dalam upacara itu ternyata beliau tidak dapat dihidupkan malah cahaya Mutiara Naga hilang buat selama lamanya. 

Mutiara tersebut disimpan dalam sebuah tempayan dan diserahkan kepada anak lelaki Menteri Babu yg tertua (mohon Izin) bernama Bohuntung yg bererti Pelangi. Mutiara Naga tersebut setiasa diturunkan kepada susurgalur anak lelaki yg tertua. Pada tahun 1883 Father Alexander Prenger pernah berjumpa dengan Menteri Babu Di Guunsing. Menteri Babu juga terkenal sebagai Ketua Bobohizon dengan ramai murid muridnya. Pernah timbul salah faham antara Father Prenger dengan Menteri babu sehingga Father Prenger terpaksa pindah ke Inobong. 

Apabila suku Tanggara mula mula tinggal Di kawasan Sugud dan Putatan mereka mempunyai hubungan yg amat baik dengan suku Bangkaakon. Apabila kedua dua suku bangkaakon dan Tanggara selesai berhijrah ke kawasan Penampang, suku Tagahas yg mendiami kawasan bukit banjaran kroker mula turun dari bukit serta menyerang perkampungan Bankaakons dan Tanggara dan berlakulah perang ngayau/memburu kepala (potong kepala). Suku Tagahas marah kepada suku Tanggara kerana sewaktu migrasi besar suku kaum dusun mereka merasa tertipu dengan memilih kawasan bukit ulu Tuaran sebagai tempat tinggal mereka dan sebaliknya suku Tanggara dan suku bangkaakon memilih kawasan dataran landai yg subur. Perang Memburu kepala ini berlaku Di zaman menteri babu Di mana pahlawan bernama monsopiad dari suku Tanggara dan si gantang dari suku bangkaakon bergabung tenaga Saling bantu membantu mempertahankan Penampang dari serangan Suku Tagahas dan memastikan Penampang selamat. 

Salah faham antara suku Tanggara dan suku Bangkaakon bermula apabila mansopiad berjaya membunuh si gantang pahlawan hebat dari suku bangkaakon (Phelan 1997). Ada pelbagai versi kisah pembunuhan dan pergaduan antara pahlawan monsopiad dan pahlawan si gantang oleh kedua dua suku kaum. Pembunuhan sigantang tidak menyebabkan perang kesukuan antara suku Tanggara dan suku bangkaakon atas sebab mereka dari awal lagi sudah ada perjanjian persahabatan dan memandang kepada kewibawaan Menteri Babu. Setelah suku Bangkaakon dan suku Tanggara menetap lama di Penampang maka pembesar Kesultanan Brunei mula menuntut bayaran poll tax berupa bayaran beberapa gantang beras dan ayam atas dasar kawasan tersebut merupakan tanah jajahannya serta mereka mempunyai kekuatan tentera perang termasuk meriam. 

Semakin lama jumlah cukai dan kekerapan membayar cukai bertambah menyebabkan suku Bangkaakon Bangun memberontak terhadap pemungut cukai atau pemungut Buis yg dikenali sebagai pemberontakan kulintangan Buis yg diketuai sendiri oleh Huguan Siou Guunsing dan beliau berjaya membunuh semua pemungut cukai Buis serta memotong kepala mereka, pemungut cukai Buis ini sebenarnya di hantar oleh golongan pembesar Brunei. Sultan Brunei yg bijak dan memerintah dari jauh tidak mahu menghantar tentera untuk memerangi pemberontak Penampang dan tidak setuju pahlawan pahlawan Guunsing Di ambil sebarang hukuman. Sultan yg bijak menghantar wakilnya ke Penampang dan mengumpul semua orang Tua dan Di bawa berbincang apabila mendapat keputusan sepakat maka beberapa orang tua diberikan pangkat dan gelaran Datu.

Datu Datu yg baru dilantik ini di minta memungut cukai Buis bagi pihak pembesar Brunei yg memiliki Sungai moyog, seorang datu dari Tua ui (terawi), seorang datu dari Penampang proper, seorang datu dari tuavon dan seterusnya. Sultan cuma menghukum Huguan Siou Guunsing dan orang Tua hungab dengan tidak memberi gelaran datu kepada beliau atas alasan membunuh rakyat baginda yg memungut Buis. Datu dari Terawi adalah Menteri Babu dan Sultan Brunei memberikan gelaran Datu Menteri Babu kepada Si Limpay . Ketua pemberontak yg diketuai oleh seorang Huguan Siou Guunsing bernama Sagir sebenarnya adalah salah seorang dari Lima orang anak Menteri Babu. 

Selain Sagir Datu Menteri Babu mempunyai seorang anak lagi bernama Buka (Topin 2003) Sagir menyerang pemungut Buis yg melalui satu kawasan dari Digot sehingga Sodomon selepas Puun Tunoh. Sagir ada membuat kubu di bukit Sinongkulan dan sekitar tahun 1855 beliau merupakan ketua kepada pangazou (pahlawan). Ahli keluarga Datu Menteri Babu sebenarnya terdiri daripada beberapa orang anak lelaki yg gagah perkasa dan keluarga Datu Menteri Babu sungguh berpengaruh. .... Penulis : Kumis Kumis, Sumber (PS Shim dan Sabah Society Journal) Gambar : 1910 sumber George Whoolley dan muzium Negeri Sabah..

Perang Si Gunting Pahlawan Dusun Kota Marudu 1894-1905.

Mohon Izin : Perang Si Gunting Pahlawan Dusun Kota Marudu 1894-1905. (Galap Tambuakar) Pada tahun 1894 suku kaum Dusun dari Mumus yang tinggal di kawasan bukit Kota Marudu diketuai oleh seorang Pahlawan bernama Si Gunting mula memberontak terhadap pihak SBBUB untuk memperjuangkan dan mengekalkan adat budaya suku kaum Dusun yg diamalkan turun temurun.

Seorang Kerani SBBUB dan 7 orang polis terbunuh di mana Tuan Residen R.M. Little nyaris sempat menyelamatkan nyawanya dalam serangan pusat pentadbiran kompeni di Serinsim. Menurut maklumat yg di kumpul beberapa tahun kemudian ternyata Si Gunting mempunyai masalah dengan Kerani SBBUB dan anggota Polis yg menjaga ditempatnya . Si Gunting mengadu masalah beliau kepada Ketua Anak Negeri yg bernama Datoh Undok. Dalam laporan Datoh Undok kepada tuan Residen pula mengatakan orang yg sebenarnya bersalah adalah Si Gunting yg sepatutnya tahu menyelesaikan masalah yg timbul dikawasannya .

Menurut catatan lisan pula seorang kerani SBBUB ingin mengahwini seorang gadis Dusun tapi tidak mahu membayar berian serta sogit yg mengikut adat budaya dusun. Hal seperti ini melibatkan soal adat suku peribumi yg tidak di ambil kira oleh Kerani SBBUB dan pihak polis waktu itu.

Pada bulan May 1894, kapten Barnett membawa angkatan perang SBBUB ke kawasan suku dusun di Mumus dimana berlaku peperangan tapi tidak di tentang  bersungguh sungguh oleh suku dusun dan tidak begitu mencapai matlamatnya kerana Si Gunting berjaya berundur ke satu tempat bernama Sayap di Tempasuk. Isteri Si Gunting yg ketika itu sedang sakit ditinggalkannya di Mumus. Menurut catatan WH Hasting beliau pernah membuat ubat buat isteri Si Gunting. Pada 2hb Jun 1894 tuan A R Dunlop mengetuai 30 orang anggota dibantu oleh 50 orang lagi yang yg dipimpin pula oleh Tuan WH Hastings dan Tuan G.Ormsby. Mereka mengetuai serangan terhadap kubu Si Gunting di Sayap Daerah Tempasuk. Mereka menaiki kubu Si Gunting di sayap yg terletak di atas bukit yg tinggi nya lebih kurang 200 kaki dari paras Sungai Wariu dikelilingi dengan perangkap samar. Bunyi Gong dan gendang kedengaran dari arah kubu tersebut..

Kubu Si Gunting ternyata Amat strategik. Anggota SBBUB teragak agak untuk menyerang dan mengarahkan anggota lain supaya bertahan di tepi Sungai sebelah belakang tetapi arahan tersebut disalah erti kan lalu anggota SBBUB dari kumpulan belakang dan cuba merempuh kubu Si Gunting tetapi terpaksa bersembunyi di belakang pokok apabila pasukan pemberontak Si Gunting menembak ke arah mereka dengan senjata serta menjatuhkan banyak batu dari atas bukit. Mr Hasting dengan separuh anggotanya cedera dan ramai yg luka kaki terkena perangkap yg dikenali sebagai "Sudah". Seorang terbunuh dan seorang cedera parah terhadap pasukan yg dipimpin oleh Tuan Dunlop dalam serangan tadi beliau terpaksa dalam posisi bertahan. Sementara itu Kapten Barnett pula cedera di kepala terkena tembakan dengan banyak pendarahan yg kemudian Di hentikan oleh seorang yg bernama Durahman. Tanpa putus asa Kapten Barnett membuat keputusan menyerang lagi dari arah berlainan dan kali ini berjaya membunuh 7 orang pahlawan dusun dan seterusnya menawan kubu dan Kampung sayap dimana ketua Kampungnya menyerah diri.

Malangnya buat pihak kompeni Si Gunting hilang dan mereka gagal menangkapnya sekali lagi. Selepas Peperangan Di Sayap selesai Kapten Barnett membawa beberapa ketua tempatan dan masyarakat ke Sandakan serta diberikan layanan baik dan didedahkan kepada sistem pentadbiran dan agenda pembangunan kompeni dalam jangka panjang.

Pihak kompeni sebenarnya takut sekiranya Si Gunting dengan pasukannya bergabung dengan Mat Salleh pada tahun 1896 yang ketika itu juga turut memberontak.

Setelah beberapa tahun membuat serangan gerila Si Gunting membuat keputusan berjumpa dengan tuan ABC Francis dan memberi tahu rancangan Datoh Undok yg ingin menyerang pusat pentadbiran kompeni di Timbang Batu dan niat beliau mahu membunuh Pegawai Daerah.

Atas jasanya tersebut maka Si Gunting di ampun kan dan di lantik menjadi ketua masyarakat sehingga akhir hayat nya. . . . ...Penulis : Kumis Kumis ( Sejarah Sabah North Borneo) Sumber : Owen Rutter dan Tregonning. Sumber gambar : George Woolley ehsan Muzium Negeri Sabah

Influences of Regional Sama-Bajau Coastal Dwellings: Social Perspectives through Identity Molding

International Journal of Culture and History, Vol. 1, No. 2, December 2015

Influences of Regional Sama-Bajau Coastal Dwellings: Social Perspectives through Identity Molding

Iziq Eafifi Ismail, Abdullah Sani Hj Ahmad, and Ismail Ibrahim

Abstract—Ever since colonial powers came into Malay Archipelago, one of the major transformations introduced is the occupying territory by the controlling powers known as State boundary. It delineates cultural grounds that have been long interconnected between mainlands in the archipelago that extends from the Philippine toward Indonesia wherein lies the vestiges of the largest diaspora of ethnic dispersed from its ancestral ground- Sama-Bajau. This particular ethnic is unanimous throughout the coastal area of Malay archipelago with largest concentration would be in Mindanao of Philippine, Sabah of Malaysia and Sulawesi of Indonesia in which Sama-Bajau settlements have developed according to the locality. The objective of this paper is to discuss the evolution of coastal dwellings amongst this ethnic and the influences affecting the growth of Sama-Bajau perceptions and identity particularly within their built environment. Deriving from textual analysis, this paper theorized major influences by socio-politics discourses of Sama-Bajau throughout the history overlapping pre-colonial and post-colonial occupancies in Mindanao and Sabah specifically in its development towards achieving globalization. Study posits that there were two major conducting exertions that coerced development of Sama-Bajau dwellings and settlement: 1) Acculturation, through interethnic relation and marriage; and 2) Malleability, through governing power. Coastal dwellings as in its rudimentary state, gradually thrived onto creating cohesive settlements that had major authority over Sama-Bajau ascension traversing social mobility in their quest for identity consolidation.

Index Terms—Sama-bajau, coastal dwellings, social mobility, acculturation, governing body.

Manuscript received August 1, 2015; revised December 10, 2015.

Iziq Eafifi Ismail is with the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Skudai, 81310, Johor, Malaysia (e-mail: iziqism@gmail.com).

Abdullah Sani Hj Ahmad is with the Department of Architecture, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Skudai, 81310, Johor, Malaysia (e-mail: basani@utm.my).

Ismail Ibrahim is with Faculty of Psychology and Education, Universiti Malaysia Sabah, Kota Kinabalu, 88400, Sabah, Malaysia (e-mail: ismailbinibrahim@yahoo.com).

I. INTRODUCTION

Coastal dwellings have always been ubiquitous throughout Malay Archipelago, ranging from fishing villages to ethnic dwellings. The fact that many of the old kingdoms in the archipelago stemmed from maritime society paved the ways for coastal houses to flourish for generations. Brunei sultanates, Sulu Sultanates, are the major port that thrived to be major players in the region’s past. These kingdoms utilized their maritime grounds to disseminate their influences in the region- an influence that eventually caught up by the natives within the areas that fell under the rulings of the said governance. These areas might be overlapped in terms of influential power – as in the case of North Borneo during pre-colonial occupation- land were parted and divided by area of influences. Coastal dwellings in Sabah pre-colonial period has evolved over the period of rulings until the emergence of colonial and post-independence period of which there have been major changes in governance direction towards imposing new lifestyle for ethnics particularly nestled along the coasts. These coastal settlers range from different ethnics sharing the same space and possibly the same cultural worldview with another as a result of inter-ethnic contacts for generations. The likes of Bajau, Suluk or Tausug and Iranun are the majority of those living along the coasts of the region. Sama-Bajau being the coastal settlers themselves seems to be an ethnic that have been most affected by changes that cover aspect of socio-economics and politics due to their century-long traditions dictated by fishing grounds that enable them to prolong their existence and survival. Sama-Bajau, while considered as a small minority of the population in Southeast Asia [1], they arguably has dispersed and acculturate for generations, has probably numbered more by living in seclusion and averting authorities for personal security purposes.There are approximately 494 700 Bajau people in Sabah by 2014 and the number expected to grow [2]. Sama-Bajau on the other hand divided into two major groups: Jomo Sama and A’a Sama [3] or commonly known by western scholars as Sama Darat and Sama Dilaut respectively [4]. Settlement patterns dictated by these two sub-groups painted an image of landed settlement for Sama Darat and nomadic boat-dwelling people for Sama Dilaut [5]. While the classification of this settlement is somewhat vague and generalized, there is another sub-group called Sama-Lipid or also known as littoral Sama believed to have been originated from Tawi-Tawi Island [6]. Another term for ‘littoral’ Bajau is Bajau Kubang which can be found in Semporna and believed to have been the earliest settlers in the region [7], [8], but this term only popularly used on the east coast. Regardless, several scholars have posited that these sub-groups are linked together via vertical social mobility that transpired through ages, influence and acculturation- a product of sedentary process [9]-[11]. In this case the term Sama-Bajau is used to generalized and neutralized the terms given to their respective home locations with the term ‘Sama’; a Malay word that brought about the meaning of ‘same’ or ‘identical’ [12]. It is also has been used collectively by several scholars [13], [14].

II. SOCIAL-MOBILITY

Social Mobility is the fundamental in the evolution of Influences of Regional Sama-Bajau Coastal Dwellings: Social Perspectives through Identity Molding coastal dwellings for Sama-Bajau. Their transcendence caused by external influences caused Sama-Bajau to shift cognition towards life. Their culture, worldviews and socioeconomic changed as the result of social mobility. Identity consolidation of Sama-Bajau occurred in two movements: horizontal and vertical mobility. Horizontal social mobility refers to migration by sea which does not bring any changes to social credit and social mobility refers to changes in social status that see them even with other dominant ethnics in social strata. One of the major indications to this is the sedentary process which is vital to an upward change in social hierarchy. Warren [15] believes sedentary process was the main factor in their identity consolidation Land based group tend to differentiate themselves to the nomadic Sama-Bajau whom they think as inferior in social status. Probably the most obvious is the preference to be called as ‘Sama’. The maritime life adopted by the Sama- Bajau over centuries caused them to be looked down and given some pejorative appellations. The social transformation that occurs to the ascended Sama-Bajau in social hierarchy is based on three factors: complete Islamization, boat dwellers reside on land (sedentarization), and the shift of economic to agriculture. However, there were greater forces at stake that dictates these factors. It is of a basic understanding that ‘sedentarization’ is the fabric component to the social mobility. Sedentarization also spurred the growth of littoral dwellings or coastal dwellings which can be found almost everywhere in this region. To have the Sama-Bajau to live a sedentary life, it requires them greater exertions that brought them to settle permanently. This paper will discuss the major exertions that shaped the present coastal dwellings that can be found nowadays.

III. INFLUENCE OF ISLAM

The first exertion was Islamization. It is without a doubt to be responsible in the lifestyle and culture changes of the masses in Malay and Sulu Archipelago. Reference [16] opines that the influence of religion can be seen in the entire fabric of a culture. Both consciously and unconsciously, and in varying degrees, religion impacts everything from business practices to politics to individual behavior. Islam has led the Sama-Bajau in the past to expedite acculturation among dominant ethnics in Sulu Archipelago. Islam led nomadic boat dwellers to sedentary life as in the case of Sama-Bajau in Semporna (refer Malleability section). Sama-Bajau in the Southern Philippines on the other hand, once adopted a sedentary lifestyle, only then they are recognize by groups like the Tausug as Muslims [17]. Islam is indeed a powerful exertion to the mobility of sea nomads in the archipelago, however it would not be thoroughly effective if their respected leaders would not accept in the first place. In the case of Tausug and Sama- Bajau, dominant ethnic influences also played a role in bringing the nomadic Sama-Bajau to embrace Islam. Therefore, there was an underlying reasoning for the Sama- Bajau to be coerced into embracing Islam that ultimately brought to their social mobility

IV. ACCULTURATION

Acculturation is the term commonly used in sociological and anthropological subjects to define cultural assimilation or cultural integration depending on how one perceives it to be. While sociologists and anthropologists look at it as in adoption of cultural norms and behavioral patterns of a certain ethnic group, psychologists tend to look into individual process of changes in personal values, behavior and beliefs [18]. Regardless, the profound meaning of acculturation experienced within the realm of social mobility of Sama-Bajau range from holistic structure of their community to individual level of awareness through globalization. In this paper, Acculturation model by Berry [19] is utilized. It can be sub categorized into four strategies which are the result of interaction between two or more different ethnics. The result of interaction can be subdivided into two cruxes: one’s preference in maintaining his/her culture and identity; and one’s preference in keeping contact and participating with the larger society along with other ethnic groups. Berry then proposed of four different strategies of acculturation, of which can be used to describe the social mobility of Sama-Bajau based on the excerpts by several scholars on inter-ethnic contacts. The four strategies were:

TABLE I: ASSIMILATION STRATEGY

Strategy Description

Assimilation When individual wishes to strengthen the relationship of the other culture while discarding one’s own culture

Separation When individual wishes to maintain the heritage of one’s culture and avoiding and curb the influence of other culture

Marginalization When individual not willing to have let other culture permeate through their life while showing little to no involvement of one’s culture of origin.

Integration When individual wishes to maintain one’s culture of origin while at the same time participating in other culture

The social-mobility of Sama-Bajau is straight forward albeit segmented. The Sama-Bajau’s acculturation in North Borneo saw a gradual movement over the years of occupancy. The occupancy of Sama-Bajau on certain part of the region has gone through the process of intercultural connections with another group where symbiotic relationship is inevitable due to their repertoires. History has shown that the existence of ‘Tamu’ [20] in Sabah is the result of two ethnics renowned for their geo-cultural prowess to be in close contact in order for them to exchange resources [21]. The Bajau were skillful fishermen, salt makers and involved in trades [22] while Dusun people were embracing agriculture and ranching. The relationship that grew over the years may create awareness to Sama- Bajau to embrace the Dusun lifestyle or any other agrarian ethnics. Dusun people was seen as the better tribe as they were able to produce self-sustain income via variety of plantation. Concerning with their own image, the Sama- Bajau at the time might have some awareness and thus pushing themselves further inland by incorporating the culture of Dusun into their lives- a situation which ‘assimilation’ occurs. Assimilation could propel permutations in many aspects, ranging from language, dressing and eating, but in this case, dwellings would be look upon in the perspective of acculturation. Shifting of dwellings from the coast to the inner land create a far better opportunities for plant cultivations, trades and even guided by the political stance of the current governance (see socio politics during colonial period). The shifting among the realm of Sama-Bajau social mobility can be called as sedentarization- a condition to describe a nomadic lifestyle that has come to live permanently. Sama-Bajau has gone through the process of social transcendence that has seen their lifestyle changes from maritime oriented towards agrarian. It could well be explained by studying the rudimentary lifestyle that can be seen in the Pala’u; semi-modernized ‘littoral’ Sama known as Sama Lipid or Sama Kubang in Semporna; and west coast Bajau or largely recognized as Bajau Kota Belud. Bajau Kota Belud can be said as the product of perfect sedentary process where duration and gradual inward settlements contributed to their identity consolidation. They totally change their economics and rely on paddy as their main source of income [23] and with that, they create a new material culture discernible with the rest of its antecedent.

Fig. 1. The concept of acculturation in built environment’s consolidation of Sama-Bajau.

Reference [24] posits that the boat-dwelling Sama-Bajau, or famously known as the Pala’u, is categorized of having both integration and separation. She stressed that even though there is a positive evolution in the life of Pala’u, there are many aspects that shows Pala’u as having more of ‘separation’ in their daily life due to their undying beliefs to the spirit of their ancestors. However, this fact is considered to be merely based on observations. There is a high motivation at play that could govern the life of the Pala’u and thus making them retract back to their comfort zone rather than contending for their life which is uncertain (Refer to the section ‘malleability’ for explanation). Littoral Sama on the other hand stuck in the interstice of socio-economic and politics, though, socio-economic is majority at play in many cases. They are trapped in their only repertoire that they wouldn’t be able to survive if they were to settle further in land while at the same time, reality of the situation and the globalization within other ethnics further pushing them to trail behind in education and economics. Awareness was incremental as many of them would realize that they need to reap all the opportunities given to those fully sedentarized and work on plantations. This further boost by the Brunei Sultanate governance and also policy set by the colonial masters during the colonial era in North Borneo which brought this discussion into the new domain of exertion- Malleability by political entity that governs the life of Sama-Bajau in the region.

V. MALLEABILITY (GOVERNING POWER)

Malleability is the second major exertion in the progressive changes that consolidated the sedentary life of Sama-Bajau. In north Borneo during pre-colonial period, there were two major Sultanates responsible in shaping its citizen in the region via trades and maritime dominance: Brunei Sultanate and Sulu Sultanate- both with their own dominance within certain period of peak-governance. Brunei Sultanate was at its peak after the fall of Malacca kingdom to the Portuguese. In the past during Brunei Sultanate era, the land ownership was governed according to the 'native' land ownership, which was one of Brunei's land governance systems [25]. The Chiefs assigned by the Sultanate or Pengiran, have absolute power in the ownership of the land. Pengiran title is conferred to those that have royal bloodline of Brunei Sultanate and were assigned on certain land to govern as periphery to the central government- land of which called as 'feudal-asiatic land'. Sultan Brunei on the other hand, only possessed those of 'governments land' [26].

A. Governing Power (Pre-colonial) Brunei Sultanate Influences

Brunei sultanate was a thalassocracy kingdom, of which means a kingdom primarily operated within a maritime realm. Like Srivijaya and Majapahit, Brunei sultanate thrived with its strategic location as an established commercial linkages between east and the west [27]. This glory culminated in the period of success called ‘Brunei’s Golden Age’ with the reign of the fifth Sultan of Brunei, Bolkiah in 1485-1521. According to the genealogy of its Sultan, Brunei embraced Islam in 1476 subsequently marked the new era of conquest under the Brunei Sultanate that extends over the coastal regions of East, North Borneo and Sulu Archipelago [28]. Brunei also had a profound link with Chinese Kingdom before the demise of Emperor Yung-Lo in 1424 making Brunei one of the most influential kingdom at the time. Antonio Pigafetta, a navigator for Ferdinand Magellan’s expedition to Brunei in 1521, described Brunei as a city built on salt water, except the Sultan’s palace and houses of certain chief men. The palace was protected by brick ramparts fortified with brass and iron cannons. The palace itself was emanating with opulence as the Europeans ride on top of ‘elephants draped with silk-cloth’ with the palace occupants ‘had their body covered with gold embroideries, silk, golden hilts, and blessed with pearl and precious stones. Another crucial note from Pigafetta was his description on the urban dwellings of the city at the time, he described a city of approximately 25,000 families living in wooden houses built on stilts and great beams raised above the salt water. At high tide, the women would go ashore to buy things and selling merchandise. This fact could be overlapped with the fact that coastal dwelling has been observed as a cohesive functional living system as early as 15th century. Considering the fact that Brunei society during 15th century may not consist of Sama-Bajau as the majority in the population, it could also mean that many other ethnics were adopting the dwelling system due to the influence that the Sultanate has along the coasts of Borneo and Sulu. This influence, coupled with docile nature of the Sama-Bajau as adept seafarers contributed to the acculturation of Sama- Bajau.

Many of the lands under the governance of Pengiran were involved in socio-economic activities. Demography, economy and connections were the aspects of the settlement under the leadership of Pengiran that led majority of the land to revolve around main rivers. During this period, Tamu exists where the main tribes that dwelt in the area: Bajau and Dusun, to symbiotically dependent on each other. While it is almost impossible to study the settlement pattern or its geological factor, however it can be assumed that the influence of Brunei Sultanate has fundamental role in changing the life of Sama-Bajau during the era. According to Saat, there were several Bajau settlements that exist before 1900th. They are listed with the exact geological location for each of the Kampongs:

TABLE II: PRE-COLONIAL GEO-LOCATION OF SAMA-BAJAU

CONCENTRATION IN KOTA KINABALU (WEST COAST) UNDER BRUNEI SULTANATE GOVERNANCE

Kampongs Location

Kampong Tambalang Coast & river mouth

Kampong Mangkabong River mouth

Kampong Menggatal River side

Kampong Api Api Coast

Kampong Sembulan Coast

Kampong Kinarut Coast

Kampong Pangalat Coast & river mouth

The fact of the matter during the Brunei governance, the Sama-Bajau at the time has already embraced sedentary life and move further inland. While technically at the time, they could be as well use fishing as a source of income, it could not halt the fact that they already started to shift to another alternative source of income that is mainly paddy plantations. Cowie in his travel in 1898, reported that main economy in the area was paddy cultivation [29]. It can be postulated that the Sama-Bajau community at the time has dual economics tendencies: one that still retains their traditional repertoire (fishing and making salt) and another as a result of socio-political impact in their life (plantations). This shows that Sama-Bajau was having the process of integration at this stage. The integration that occurs for hundreds of years, compounded with acculturation via interethnic contact via trades and exogamy is what could possibly consolidated Sama-Bajau identity thus creating a new sub-ethnic that have concrete material culture that is the Sama Kota Belud.

B. Governing Power (Pre-colonial) Sulu Sultanate Influences

It is relatively easy to relate Sama-Bajau in the east coast of Sabah with those in the Southern Philippine. Dialect spoken by the east coast Sama is said to be in identical with the language spoken in the Southern Philippine [30][31]. Sama-Bajau or the Samal as in Southern Philippine is universally known as docile and loyal community. While the arrival Tausugs in the region during 11th century has changed the life of Sama-Bajau and bring about fundamental fabric to the Sama-Bajau. Many have assimilated with other ethno-linguistic groups collectively called Bangsa Moro; some have decided to separate themselves and remains nomadic; and some would have travelled and disperse over the North Borneo (particularly in Darvel Bay) and Celebes Sea. Sama-Bajau presence has far preceded the arrival of other ethnics in Southern Philippine. Pallesen has theorized that Sama-Bajau originated from Zamboanga, Mindanao as early as 800AD before dispersing to east Indonesia, Basilan, and North Borneo based from his dispersion hypothesis. The earliest record of the presence of Sama-Bajau in Zamboanga was in 1521 by Antonio Pigafetta, who mentioned of sea people living in floating villages and houses on the sea [32]. It can be assumed that the floating village would be equal to those of Pala’u in Omadal Island of Semporna. The village might grow from the boat houses of Sama or simply can be considered as the second evolutionary line of Sama-Bajau houses. The Sama-Bajau consolidated their identity as disunited people and scattered across different territories. As nomads, they have no absolute grounds for them to be called home. Their living is bound to the availability and abundance of sea resources, shifting places to places wherever they deem enough for sustenance. However, due to the politics, social and economics factor, many of them starting to live a sedentary life and pushed towards acculturation of Sama-Bajau. Socio-politic has called for major restructuring of the ethnic’s socio-culture that brought them further into urban areas from the vast seas. According to the tradition of Maguindanao, Sama-Bajau often said to have come with Sharif Kabungsuan, the man responsible for spreading Islam across Mindanao [33]. The community then mingled and many exogamy happened between Sama-Bajau and Maguindanaos. They have become relatives through intermarriages that saw the Sama-Bajau rise on the social hierarchy and treated without bias. Malleability by the government for the east coast saw the heavy influences of Sulu Sultanate that was in the peak of maritime supremacy during 18th century. Trades, raiding and plundering have shaped the Sama-Bajau to be one of the fearsome ethnic in the region. However, not all Sama sub-ethnic has attain to that level, the Balangingi, a subethnic of Sama originated from the island of Balangingi has become one of the main asset for Sulu Sultanate to disseminate their area of influences. The fearsome Sama- Bajau or Samal incessancy in piracy and marauding way of life often referred to Samal Balangingi. The Balangingi is assumed to have ascended in vertical social mobility that sees them acculturated and heavily influence by neighboring sea-faring Tausug. They were an emergent people whose society and culture substantiated as a result of mixed marriages. James Warren in The Sulu Zone [34] stated: ‘Originally fishermen and traders with martial skills and a flair for organization, many of them adopted agriculture. With the introduction of Islam, about fifteenth century, they evolved well-articulated political and economic system’ The rise of Jolo, the capital of Sulu Sultanate then, is boosted by the band of seafarers consisted of the Iranun, Balangingi and Tausugs. Iranun and Balangingi especially, are essential in making Jolo as the main entrepot famous for its slave markets among merchants from 17th century until 19th century. Piracies were rampant and slave raiding were the trend for Tausug Chiefs as a symbol of wealth. The relationship too, is symbiotic like the Sama in west coast; Tausug wanted wealth and the Samals wanted assurance and sustenance. This reciprocal activity is what led to the economic prosperity and development that further consolidated Sama-Bajau identity. Intermarriages not only bounded between the Sama-Bajau and the Maguindanaos but also happen among slaves that they captured. The slaves would then adapt themselves and acculturate with the Sama language, custom and even religion. Warren posits that unprecedented forced migrations of captives and slaves for the economy of Sulu, shaped the demographic origins of the Balangingi and the population trends and settlement pattern in the 19th century in the Philippines and eastern Indonesia. Coastal settlements have seen to be growing at this period due to the close proximity with the Sultanate. It can be assumed that during this period, majority of the Sama were ‘littoral’ Sama due to: repertoire and also political interest with the land ethnics.

C. Governing Power (Colonial)

Before colonization by the British, Sama-Bajau sat on top of the social hierarchy in Kota Kinabalu as a result of blood relation to the Pengiran, however once colonization by the British took place, the social hierarchy was dominated by colonial-capitalist followed by oriental migrants. They continued dwelling on lower side of the hierarchy even after gaining independency from British. This is caused by the policy of their Colonial master to undermine Muslim ethnic as part of their subliminal crusade; there were lack of social institutions growth particularly education. Not only that, colonial policy also focused on ethnics that operate agriculturally. As a result, the ethnic disparity grew bigger between Sama-Bajau and Christian ethnics. Saat then asserts that the urban development of colonial times has infringed the local bumiputras – coastal Sama-Bajau included- from economic mainstreams. Causing their development and social mobility to stagnate until Sabah gained independency. At the peak of the trades, Mindanao has inevitably brought Colonial powers who vying to control the region for its greater benefits. Molucca at the time was rich with spices which then draws western power to the area. The marauders: Balangingi and Iranun of the past were being used by the three powers during the peak of maritime grounds struggle over trading supremacy in the Sulu region.

The cross-cultural trades involving Sulu Sultanate, China and western powers was the major cause for the ascendancy of marauding Iranun and Balangingi which subsequently paved the way for social and cultural transformations to take place. Sulu Sultanate’s economic vitality was directly involved in the marauding activities of their maritime forces. Slave-raiding was the major occupation at the Sultanate’s height of power. The struggle between three western powers: Dutch, British and Spanish, had a profound complex relationship interchanged with one another. Geopolitical rivalry amongst western powers has pitted themselves with each other while more often exploiting the advantages of having pirates in their economic zones to thwart each other’s influences. Intrusion caused by colonial powers especially the Dutch has brought considerable number of sea nomads to the alternative centers notably Jolo and Cotabato in Southern Mindanao and Makassar in Sulawesi [35], thus promoting many inter-ethnic contacts that enriched the culture of Bangsa Moro as whole. The settlement then has been centralized to the urban center which many of them grew from the status of entrepot, compounding to the mass number of floating villages. However, the tale of the piracy fame came to an end when Spaniards, who vow to put an end to the rampant piracy in the region, destroyed the Sama stronghold in Balangingi in 18th century that marked the long struggle of Sama-Bajau. Causing them revert to nomadic life and dispersed to other islands in Sulu archipelago, North Borneo and Moluccas.

D. Governing Power (Post-colonial)

After independence, there was a massive movement from the government to abolish poverty in Sabah. Coastal dwellings, of which majority of them reside by Sama-Bajau are still ubiquitous. It has often draw criticism and always has been seen as a product of perpetual poverty issue that still remains until this day. However, as much as coastal settlements still exist, they have modernized themselves by using conventional materials for their houses, better planning, and better utilities. Looking at west coast Sama, their vertical mobility can be considered as linear, like many other ethnics that accepted globalization as a whole that the colonial power has imposed on them. They thrived over generations to embrace modernity and education that brought massive changes in their life. Many have succeeded and move to the city to follow suit the current flow economics yet many still succumb to their traditional skills that requires them to still living in the coasts. While it is not entirely a negative aspect to live along the coast on stilt dwellings, as in the case of those living in rural locations, majority of them are still devoid of basic amenities to lead them live a comfortable life due to the location and also city council to not providing them with amenities due to the land title that fall under native land in Land Ordinance Cap.68 (Section 78)[36]. Though there are alternatives provided by the government such as giving individual water tanks to each houses, building materials, boats and engine, and aquaculture initiatives, they are then left unintended and subsequently ignored. Upon reaching independence, efforts to reduce poverty have been vigorously implemented. Sama-Bajau along with other Bumiputras were introduced to many economic models, better education and better opportunities in the city. Many ancestral grounds have been reintroduced as native lands under modern laws; and were granted and approved by The Yang di-Pertua Negeri if he thinks it is necessary to protect the present and future interests and well-being of the natives of Sabah in Part IV- Native Reserves, Point No. 78 (Sabah Land Ordinance Cap. 68, 2013 ref). While these gazette lands bring relief to the natives, it is deem only temporary due to the fact that the YDPN is entitled to revoke the land status. However it would seem unlikely to happen due to possible backlash and trouble of resettlement. As much as native land reserves were granted, they are countless coastal houses built on illegal grounds, causing many unwanted slumps to grow out of control in the state. One thing is certain, native land reserves for Sama-Bajau faced an uncertainty over their long-term futures.

VI. CONCLUSION

It is essentially hard to pinpoint the exact evolution of the coastal dwellings in this region. The study of its influences however could help disentangle certain question on why they are almost occupied every single coastline in the North Borneo and Sulu Archipelago. History and facts dictate their unbridled movements throughout the maritime realms, exerting influences after influences while supported by trades and economic activities. Sultanates in the region are born out of maritime supremacy. Important trades with China that requires sea products; security and maritime power prescribed a good military might on the ocean; and Sama-Bajau docile nature made the influences propagate easier along the coastal areas of Sulu Archipelago. Even to these days, coastal houses are still scattered and continue to grow, along with the fact that Sabah is still poverty-ridden, the existence of coastal dwellings will continue to live on.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

I would like to express my special thanks of gratitude to my parents for their undying support throughout my study and my utmost gratitude to Ar. Cheah Siew Khim for her insights, motivational talks and psychological support throughout my studies; and my companions who have always supported me to complete this paper: Amirulnizam and Chris’. I am forever grateful.

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Iziq Eafifi was born in Kota Kinabalu in 1988. He received his diploma in architecture in 2009 and bachelor’s degree in architecture in 2012 from Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. Due to his excellence in academic achievement, he was offered a fast-track programme and is currently pursuing full time PhD in architecture.

Abdullah Sani was born in Selangor in 1963. He received his diploma in architecture from UTM and bachelor’s degree in architecture (Hons.) from North London. He holds a post grad diploma in structural engineer. (Newscastle-U-Tyne); and holds a PhD in landscape architecture in 2001 from Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. Abdullah Sani is an associate professor in the Department of Architecture, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia with expertise: architectural management, architectural education and Malay landscape.

Ismail Ibrahim was born in Pontian, Johor in 1956. He received his early education at Secondary School Sri Pontian before venturing into teaching at Teachers College Gaya, Kota Kinabalu, Sabah in 1976-1977. He has since taught at several schools in Sabah. In 1981, he continued his study at Universiti Teknologi MARA in the field of Fine Arts. After graduating, he was posted at the College Gaya, Kota Kinabalu as a lecturer in painting and handicrafts in 1986. He was transferred to the Department of Art Specialist Teachers Training College, Kuala Lumpur in 1994 and to Raja Melewar Teachers College, Seremban, Negeri Sembilan in 1997. His passion for the arts led him to return to Sabah in 1999 in the Center for the Promotion of Knowledge and Language Learning, Universiti Malaysia Sabah. He then earned a PhD in fine arts in 2005 and currently a dean in the Faculty of Psychology and Education and the mastermind of the ‘Borneo Indigenous Art’ subject in the Faculty of Humanities, Arts and Heritage, Universiti Malaysia Sabah.