International Journal
of Culture and History, Vol. 1, No. 2, December 2015
Influences of Regional Sama-Bajau
Coastal Dwellings: Social Perspectives through Identity Molding
Iziq Eafifi Ismail,
Abdullah Sani Hj Ahmad, and Ismail Ibrahim
Abstract—Ever since colonial powers came into Malay
Archipelago, one of the major transformations introduced is the occupying
territory by the controlling powers known as State boundary. It delineates
cultural grounds that have been long interconnected between mainlands in the
archipelago that extends from the Philippine toward Indonesia wherein lies the
vestiges of the largest diaspora of ethnic dispersed from its ancestral ground-
Sama-Bajau. This particular ethnic is unanimous throughout the coastal area of
Malay archipelago with largest concentration would be in Mindanao of
Philippine, Sabah of Malaysia and Sulawesi of Indonesia in which Sama-Bajau
settlements have developed according to the locality. The objective of this
paper is to discuss the evolution of coastal dwellings amongst this ethnic and
the influences affecting the growth of Sama-Bajau perceptions and identity
particularly within their built environment. Deriving from textual analysis,
this paper theorized major influences by socio-politics discourses of Sama-Bajau
throughout the history overlapping pre-colonial and post-colonial occupancies
in Mindanao and Sabah specifically in its development towards achieving
globalization. Study posits that there were two major conducting exertions that
coerced development of Sama-Bajau dwellings and settlement: 1) Acculturation,
through interethnic relation and marriage; and 2) Malleability, through
governing power. Coastal dwellings as in its rudimentary state, gradually
thrived onto creating cohesive settlements that had major authority over
Sama-Bajau ascension traversing social mobility in their quest for identity
consolidation.
Index Terms—Sama-bajau, coastal dwellings, social mobility,
acculturation, governing body.
Manuscript
received August 1, 2015; revised December 10, 2015.
Iziq
Eafifi Ismail is with the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia, Skudai, 81310, Johor,
Malaysia (e-mail: iziqism@gmail.com).
Abdullah
Sani Hj Ahmad is with the Department of Architecture, Universiti Teknologi
Malaysia, Skudai, 81310, Johor, Malaysia (e-mail: basani@utm.my).
Ismail
Ibrahim is with Faculty of Psychology and Education, Universiti Malaysia Sabah,
Kota Kinabalu, 88400, Sabah, Malaysia (e-mail: ismailbinibrahim@yahoo.com).
I. INTRODUCTION
Coastal
dwellings have always been ubiquitous throughout Malay Archipelago, ranging
from fishing villages to ethnic dwellings. The fact that many of the old
kingdoms in the archipelago stemmed from maritime society paved the ways for
coastal houses to flourish for generations. Brunei sultanates, Sulu Sultanates,
are the major port that thrived to be major players in the region’s past. These
kingdoms utilized their maritime grounds to disseminate their influences in the
region- an influence that eventually caught up by the natives within the areas
that fell under the rulings of the said governance. These areas might be
overlapped in terms of influential power – as in the case of North Borneo
during pre-colonial occupation- land were parted and divided by area of
influences. Coastal dwellings in Sabah pre-colonial period has evolved over the
period of rulings until the emergence of colonial and post-independence period
of which there have been major changes in governance direction towards imposing
new lifestyle for ethnics particularly nestled along the coasts. These coastal
settlers range from different ethnics sharing the same space and possibly the
same cultural worldview with another as a result of inter-ethnic contacts for
generations. The likes of Bajau, Suluk or Tausug and Iranun are the majority of
those living along the coasts of the region. Sama-Bajau being the coastal
settlers themselves seems to be an ethnic that have been most affected by
changes that cover aspect of socio-economics and politics due to their
century-long traditions dictated by fishing grounds that enable them to prolong
their existence and survival. Sama-Bajau, while considered as a small minority
of the population in Southeast Asia [1], they arguably has dispersed and
acculturate for generations, has probably numbered more by living in seclusion
and averting authorities for personal security purposes.There are approximately
494 700 Bajau people in Sabah by 2014 and the number expected to grow [2].
Sama-Bajau on the other hand divided into two major groups: Jomo Sama and A’a
Sama [3] or commonly known by western scholars as Sama Darat and Sama Dilaut
respectively [4]. Settlement patterns dictated by these two sub-groups painted
an image of landed settlement for Sama Darat and nomadic boat-dwelling people
for Sama Dilaut [5]. While the classification of this settlement is somewhat
vague and generalized, there is another sub-group called Sama-Lipid or also
known as littoral Sama believed to have been originated from Tawi-Tawi Island
[6]. Another term for ‘littoral’ Bajau is Bajau Kubang which can be found in
Semporna and believed to have been the earliest settlers in the region [7],
[8], but this term only popularly used on the east coast. Regardless, several
scholars have posited that these sub-groups are linked together via vertical
social mobility that transpired through ages, influence and acculturation- a
product of sedentary process [9]-[11]. In this case the term Sama-Bajau is used
to generalized and neutralized the terms given to their respective home
locations with the term ‘Sama’; a Malay word that brought about the meaning of
‘same’ or ‘identical’ [12]. It is also has been used collectively by several
scholars [13], [14].
II. SOCIAL-MOBILITY
Social
Mobility is the fundamental in the evolution of Influences of Regional
Sama-Bajau Coastal Dwellings: Social Perspectives through Identity Molding coastal
dwellings for Sama-Bajau. Their transcendence caused by external influences
caused Sama-Bajau to shift cognition towards life. Their culture, worldviews
and socioeconomic changed as the result of social mobility. Identity consolidation
of Sama-Bajau occurred in two movements: horizontal and vertical mobility.
Horizontal social mobility refers to migration by sea which does not bring any
changes to social credit and social mobility refers to changes in social status
that see them even with other dominant ethnics in social strata. One of the major
indications to this is the sedentary process which is vital to an upward change
in social hierarchy. Warren [15] believes sedentary process was the main factor
in their identity consolidation Land based group tend to differentiate
themselves to the nomadic Sama-Bajau whom they think as inferior in social status.
Probably the most obvious is the preference to be called as ‘Sama’. The maritime
life adopted by the Sama- Bajau over centuries caused them to be looked down
and given some pejorative appellations. The social transformation that occurs
to the ascended Sama-Bajau in social hierarchy is based on three factors:
complete Islamization, boat dwellers reside on land (sedentarization), and the
shift of economic to agriculture. However, there were greater forces at stake
that dictates these factors. It is of a basic understanding that ‘sedentarization’
is the fabric component to the social mobility. Sedentarization also spurred
the growth of littoral dwellings or coastal dwellings which can be found almost
everywhere in this region. To have the Sama-Bajau to live a sedentary life, it
requires them greater exertions that brought them to settle permanently. This
paper will discuss the major exertions that shaped the present coastal
dwellings that can be found nowadays.
III. INFLUENCE OF ISLAM
The
first exertion was Islamization. It is without a doubt to be responsible in the
lifestyle and culture changes of the masses in Malay and Sulu Archipelago.
Reference [16] opines that the influence of religion can be seen in the entire fabric
of a culture. Both consciously and unconsciously, and in varying degrees,
religion impacts everything from business practices to politics to individual
behavior. Islam has led the Sama-Bajau in the past to expedite acculturation
among dominant ethnics in Sulu Archipelago. Islam led nomadic boat dwellers to
sedentary life as in the case of Sama-Bajau in Semporna (refer Malleability section).
Sama-Bajau in the Southern Philippines on the other hand, once adopted a
sedentary lifestyle, only then they are recognize by groups like the Tausug as
Muslims [17]. Islam is indeed a powerful exertion to the mobility of sea nomads
in the archipelago, however it would not be thoroughly effective if their
respected leaders would not accept in the first place. In the case of Tausug
and Sama- Bajau, dominant ethnic influences also played a role in bringing the
nomadic Sama-Bajau to embrace Islam. Therefore, there was an underlying
reasoning for the Sama- Bajau to be coerced into embracing Islam that
ultimately brought to their social mobility
IV. ACCULTURATION
Acculturation
is the term commonly used in sociological and anthropological subjects to define
cultural assimilation or cultural integration depending on how one perceives it
to be. While sociologists and anthropologists look at it as in adoption of
cultural norms and behavioral patterns of a certain ethnic group, psychologists
tend to look into individual process of changes in personal values, behavior and
beliefs [18]. Regardless, the profound meaning of acculturation experienced
within the realm of social mobility of Sama-Bajau range from holistic structure
of their community to individual level of awareness through globalization. In
this paper, Acculturation model by Berry [19] is utilized. It can be sub
categorized into four strategies which are the result of interaction between
two or more different ethnics. The result of interaction can be subdivided into
two cruxes: one’s preference in maintaining his/her culture and identity; and
one’s preference in keeping contact and participating with the larger society
along with other ethnic groups. Berry then proposed of four different
strategies of acculturation, of which can be used to describe the
social mobility of Sama-Bajau based on the excerpts by several scholars on
inter-ethnic contacts. The four strategies were:
TABLE I: ASSIMILATION STRATEGY
Strategy Description
Separation When individual wishes to
maintain the heritage of one’s culture and avoiding and curb the influence of
other culture
Marginalization When individual not
willing to have let other culture permeate through their life while showing little
to no involvement of one’s culture of origin.
Integration When individual wishes to
maintain one’s culture of origin while at the same time participating in other
culture
The
social-mobility of Sama-Bajau is straight forward albeit segmented. The
Sama-Bajau’s acculturation in North Borneo saw a gradual movement over the
years of occupancy. The occupancy of Sama-Bajau on certain part of the region
has gone through the process of intercultural connections with another group
where symbiotic relationship is inevitable due to their repertoires. History has
shown that the existence of ‘Tamu’ [20] in Sabah is the result of two ethnics
renowned for their geo-cultural prowess to be in close contact in order for
them to exchange resources [21]. The Bajau were skillful fishermen, salt makers
and involved in trades [22] while Dusun people were embracing agriculture and
ranching. The relationship that grew over the years may create awareness to
Sama- Bajau to embrace the Dusun lifestyle or any other agrarian ethnics. Dusun
people was seen as the better tribe as they were able to produce self-sustain
income via variety of plantation. Concerning with their own image, the Sama- Bajau
at the time might have some awareness and thus pushing themselves further
inland by incorporating the culture of Dusun into their lives- a situation
which ‘assimilation’ occurs. Assimilation could propel permutations in many
aspects, ranging from language, dressing and eating, but in this case,
dwellings would be look upon in the perspective of acculturation. Shifting of dwellings
from the coast to the inner land create a far better opportunities for plant
cultivations, trades and even guided by the political stance of the current
governance (see socio politics during colonial period). The shifting among the
realm of Sama-Bajau social mobility can be called as sedentarization- a
condition to describe a nomadic lifestyle that has come to live permanently.
Sama-Bajau has gone through the process of social transcendence that has seen
their lifestyle changes from maritime oriented towards agrarian. It could well
be explained by studying the rudimentary lifestyle that can be seen in the
Pala’u; semi-modernized ‘littoral’ Sama known as Sama Lipid or Sama Kubang in
Semporna; and west coast Bajau or largely recognized as Bajau Kota Belud. Bajau
Kota Belud can be said as the product of perfect sedentary process where
duration and gradual inward settlements contributed to their identity
consolidation. They totally change their economics and rely on paddy as their main
source of income [23] and with that, they create a new material culture
discernible with the rest of its antecedent.
Fig. 1. The concept
of acculturation in built environment’s consolidation of Sama-Bajau.
Reference
[24] posits that the boat-dwelling Sama-Bajau, or famously known as the Pala’u,
is categorized of having both integration and separation. She stressed that
even though there is a positive evolution in the life of Pala’u, there are many
aspects that shows Pala’u as having more of ‘separation’ in their daily life
due to their undying beliefs to the spirit of their ancestors. However, this
fact is considered to be merely based on observations. There is a high motivation
at play that could govern the life of the Pala’u and thus making them retract
back to their comfort zone rather than contending for their life which is
uncertain (Refer to the section ‘malleability’ for explanation). Littoral Sama
on the other hand stuck in the interstice of socio-economic and politics,
though, socio-economic is majority at play in many cases. They are trapped in
their only repertoire that they wouldn’t be able to survive if they were to
settle further in land while at the same time, reality of the situation and the
globalization within other ethnics further pushing them to trail behind in
education and economics. Awareness was incremental as many of them would
realize that they need to reap all the opportunities given to those fully
sedentarized and work on plantations. This further boost by the Brunei
Sultanate governance and also policy set by the colonial masters during the
colonial era in North Borneo which brought this discussion into the new domain
of exertion- Malleability by political entity that governs the life of
Sama-Bajau in the region.
V. MALLEABILITY (GOVERNING POWER)
Malleability
is the second major exertion in the progressive changes that consolidated the
sedentary life of Sama-Bajau. In north Borneo during pre-colonial period, there
were two major Sultanates responsible in shaping its citizen in the region via
trades and maritime dominance: Brunei Sultanate and Sulu Sultanate- both with
their own dominance within certain period of peak-governance. Brunei Sultanate
was at its peak after the fall of Malacca kingdom to the Portuguese. In the
past during Brunei Sultanate era, the land ownership was governed according to
the 'native' land ownership, which was one of Brunei's land governance systems
[25]. The Chiefs assigned by the Sultanate or Pengiran, have absolute power in
the ownership of the land. Pengiran title is conferred to those that have royal
bloodline of Brunei Sultanate and were assigned on certain land to govern as
periphery to the central government- land of which called as 'feudal-asiatic land'.
Sultan Brunei on the other hand, only possessed those of 'governments land'
[26].
A. Governing Power (Pre-colonial) Brunei
Sultanate Influences
Brunei
sultanate was a thalassocracy kingdom, of which means a kingdom primarily
operated within a maritime realm. Like Srivijaya and Majapahit, Brunei
sultanate thrived with its strategic location as an established commercial
linkages between east and the west [27]. This glory culminated in the period of
success called ‘Brunei’s Golden Age’ with the reign of the fifth Sultan of
Brunei, Bolkiah in 1485-1521. According to the genealogy of its Sultan, Brunei
embraced Islam in 1476 subsequently marked the new era of conquest under the
Brunei Sultanate that extends over the coastal regions of East, North Borneo and
Sulu Archipelago [28]. Brunei also had a profound link with Chinese Kingdom
before the demise of Emperor Yung-Lo in 1424 making Brunei one of the most
influential kingdom at the time. Antonio Pigafetta, a navigator for Ferdinand
Magellan’s expedition to Brunei in 1521, described Brunei as a city built on
salt water, except the Sultan’s palace and houses of certain chief men. The
palace was protected by brick ramparts fortified with brass and iron cannons.
The palace itself was emanating with opulence as the Europeans ride on top of
‘elephants draped with silk-cloth’ with the palace occupants ‘had their body covered
with gold embroideries, silk, golden hilts, and blessed with pearl and precious
stones. Another crucial note from Pigafetta was his description on the urban
dwellings of the city at the time, he described a city of approximately 25,000
families living in wooden houses built on stilts and great beams raised above
the salt water. At high tide, the women would go ashore to buy things and
selling merchandise. This fact could be overlapped with the fact that coastal
dwelling has been observed as a cohesive functional living system as early as 15th
century. Considering the fact that Brunei society during 15th century may not
consist of Sama-Bajau as the majority in the population, it could also mean
that many other ethnics were adopting the dwelling system due to the influence
that the Sultanate has along the coasts of Borneo and Sulu. This influence,
coupled with docile nature of the Sama-Bajau as adept seafarers contributed to
the acculturation of Sama- Bajau.
Many
of the lands under the governance of Pengiran were involved in socio-economic
activities. Demography, economy and connections were the aspects of the settlement
under the leadership of Pengiran that led majority of the land to revolve
around main rivers. During this period, Tamu exists where the main tribes that
dwelt in the area: Bajau and Dusun, to symbiotically dependent on each other. While
it is almost impossible to study the settlement pattern or its geological
factor, however it can be assumed that the influence of Brunei Sultanate has
fundamental role in changing the life of Sama-Bajau during the era. According to
Saat, there were several Bajau settlements that exist before 1900th. They are
listed with the exact geological location for each of the Kampongs:
TABLE II: PRE-COLONIAL GEO-LOCATION OF
SAMA-BAJAU
CONCENTRATION IN KOTA KINABALU (WEST COAST)
UNDER BRUNEI SULTANATE GOVERNANCE
Kampongs
Location
Kampong
Tambalang Coast & river mouth
Kampong
Mangkabong River mouth
Kampong
Menggatal River side
Kampong
Api Api Coast
Kampong
Sembulan Coast
Kampong
Kinarut Coast
Kampong
Pangalat Coast & river mouth
The
fact of the matter during the Brunei governance, the Sama-Bajau at the time has
already embraced sedentary life and move further inland. While technically at
the time, they could be as well use fishing as a source of income, it could not
halt the fact that they already started to shift to another alternative source
of income that is mainly paddy plantations. Cowie in his travel in 1898,
reported that main economy in the area was paddy cultivation [29]. It can be postulated
that the Sama-Bajau community at the time has dual economics tendencies: one
that still retains their traditional repertoire (fishing and making salt) and
another as a result of socio-political impact in their life (plantations). This
shows that Sama-Bajau was having the process of integration at this stage. The
integration that occurs for hundreds of years, compounded with acculturation
via interethnic contact via trades and exogamy is what could possibly
consolidated Sama-Bajau identity thus creating a new sub-ethnic that have
concrete material culture that is the Sama Kota Belud.
B. Governing Power (Pre-colonial) Sulu
Sultanate Influences
It
is relatively easy to relate Sama-Bajau in the east coast of Sabah with those
in the Southern Philippine. Dialect spoken by the east coast Sama is said to be
in identical with the language spoken in the Southern Philippine [30][31]. Sama-Bajau
or the Samal as in Southern Philippine is universally known as docile and loyal
community. While the arrival Tausugs in the region during 11th century has changed
the life of Sama-Bajau and bring about fundamental fabric to the Sama-Bajau.
Many have assimilated with other ethno-linguistic groups collectively called
Bangsa Moro; some have decided to separate themselves and remains nomadic; and
some would have travelled and disperse over the North Borneo (particularly in
Darvel Bay) and Celebes Sea. Sama-Bajau presence has far preceded the arrival
of other ethnics in Southern Philippine. Pallesen has theorized that Sama-Bajau
originated from Zamboanga, Mindanao as early as 800AD before dispersing to east
Indonesia, Basilan, and North Borneo based from his dispersion hypothesis. The
earliest record of the presence of Sama-Bajau in Zamboanga was in 1521 by
Antonio Pigafetta, who mentioned of sea people living in floating villages and houses
on the sea [32]. It can be assumed that the floating village would be equal to
those of Pala’u in Omadal Island of Semporna. The village might grow from the
boat houses of Sama or simply can be considered as the second evolutionary line
of Sama-Bajau houses. The Sama-Bajau consolidated their identity as disunited people
and scattered across different territories. As nomads, they have no absolute
grounds for them to be called home. Their living is bound to the availability
and abundance of sea resources, shifting places to places wherever they deem enough
for sustenance. However, due to the politics, social and economics factor, many
of them starting to live a sedentary life and pushed towards acculturation of
Sama-Bajau. Socio-politic has called for major restructuring of the ethnic’s
socio-culture that brought them further into urban areas from the vast seas.
According to the tradition of Maguindanao, Sama-Bajau often said to have come
with Sharif Kabungsuan, the man responsible for spreading Islam across Mindanao
[33]. The community then mingled and many exogamy happened between Sama-Bajau
and Maguindanaos. They have become relatives through intermarriages that saw
the Sama-Bajau rise on the social hierarchy and treated without bias. Malleability
by the government for the east coast saw the heavy influences of Sulu Sultanate
that was in the peak of maritime supremacy during 18th century. Trades, raiding
and plundering have shaped the Sama-Bajau to be one of the fearsome ethnic in
the region. However, not all Sama sub-ethnic has attain to that level, the
Balangingi, a subethnic of Sama originated from the island of Balangingi has become
one of the main asset for Sulu Sultanate to disseminate their area of
influences. The fearsome Sama- Bajau or Samal incessancy in piracy and
marauding way of life often referred to Samal Balangingi. The Balangingi is assumed
to have ascended in vertical social mobility that sees them acculturated and
heavily influence by neighboring sea-faring Tausug. They were an emergent people
whose society and culture substantiated as a result of mixed marriages. James
Warren in The Sulu Zone [34] stated: ‘Originally fishermen and traders with
martial skills and a flair for organization, many of them adopted agriculture.
With the introduction of Islam, about fifteenth century, they evolved
well-articulated political and economic system’ The rise of Jolo, the capital
of Sulu Sultanate then, is boosted by the band of seafarers consisted of the
Iranun, Balangingi and Tausugs. Iranun and Balangingi especially, are essential
in making Jolo as the main entrepot famous for its slave markets among
merchants from 17th century until 19th century. Piracies were rampant and slave
raiding were the trend for Tausug Chiefs as a symbol of wealth. The relationship
too, is symbiotic like the Sama in west coast; Tausug wanted wealth and the
Samals wanted assurance and sustenance. This reciprocal activity is what led to
the economic prosperity and development that further consolidated Sama-Bajau
identity. Intermarriages not only bounded between the Sama-Bajau and the
Maguindanaos but also happen among slaves that they captured. The slaves would
then adapt themselves and acculturate with the Sama language, custom and even
religion. Warren posits that unprecedented forced migrations of captives and
slaves for the economy of Sulu, shaped the demographic origins of the
Balangingi and the population trends and settlement pattern in the 19th century
in the Philippines and eastern Indonesia. Coastal settlements have seen to be
growing at this period due to the close proximity with the Sultanate. It can be
assumed that during this period, majority of the Sama were ‘littoral’ Sama due
to: repertoire and also political interest with the land ethnics.
C. Governing Power (Colonial)
Before
colonization by the British, Sama-Bajau sat on top of the social hierarchy in
Kota Kinabalu as a result of blood relation to the Pengiran, however once
colonization by the British took place, the social hierarchy was dominated by colonial-capitalist
followed by oriental migrants. They continued dwelling on lower side of the
hierarchy even after gaining independency from British. This is caused by the policy
of their Colonial master to undermine Muslim ethnic as part of their subliminal
crusade; there were lack of social institutions growth particularly education.
Not only that, colonial policy also focused on ethnics that operate agriculturally.
As a result, the ethnic disparity grew bigger between Sama-Bajau and Christian
ethnics. Saat then asserts that the urban development of colonial times has infringed
the local bumiputras – coastal Sama-Bajau included- from economic mainstreams.
Causing their development and social mobility to stagnate until Sabah gained
independency. At the peak of the trades, Mindanao has inevitably brought
Colonial powers who vying to control the region for its greater benefits.
Molucca at the time was rich with spices which then draws western power to the
area. The marauders: Balangingi and Iranun of the past were being used by the
three powers during the peak of maritime grounds struggle over trading
supremacy in the Sulu region.
The
cross-cultural trades involving Sulu Sultanate, China and western powers was
the major cause for the ascendancy of marauding Iranun and Balangingi which
subsequently paved the way for social and cultural transformations to take
place. Sulu Sultanate’s economic vitality was directly involved in the
marauding activities of their maritime forces. Slave-raiding was the major
occupation at the Sultanate’s height of power. The struggle between three
western powers: Dutch, British and Spanish, had a profound complex relationship
interchanged with one another. Geopolitical rivalry amongst western powers has
pitted themselves with each other while more often exploiting the advantages of
having pirates in their economic zones to thwart each other’s influences. Intrusion
caused by colonial powers especially the Dutch has brought considerable number
of sea nomads to the alternative centers notably Jolo and Cotabato in Southern Mindanao
and Makassar in Sulawesi [35], thus promoting many inter-ethnic contacts that
enriched the culture of Bangsa Moro as whole. The settlement then has been centralized
to the urban center which many of them grew from the status of entrepot,
compounding to the mass number of floating villages. However, the tale of the
piracy fame came to an end when Spaniards, who vow to put an end to the rampant
piracy in the region, destroyed the Sama stronghold in Balangingi in 18th
century that marked the long struggle of Sama-Bajau. Causing them revert to nomadic
life and dispersed to other islands in Sulu archipelago, North Borneo and
Moluccas.
D. Governing Power (Post-colonial)
After
independence, there was a massive movement from the government to abolish
poverty in Sabah. Coastal dwellings, of which majority of them reside by
Sama-Bajau are still ubiquitous. It has often draw criticism and always has
been seen as a product of perpetual poverty issue that still remains until this
day. However, as much as coastal settlements still exist, they have modernized
themselves by using conventional materials for their houses, better planning,
and better utilities. Looking at west coast Sama, their vertical mobility can be
considered as linear, like many other ethnics that accepted globalization as a
whole that the colonial power has imposed on them. They thrived over
generations to embrace modernity and education that brought massive changes in
their life. Many have succeeded and move to the city to follow suit the current
flow economics yet many still succumb to their traditional skills that requires
them to still living in the coasts. While it is not entirely a negative aspect to
live along the coast on stilt dwellings, as in the case of those living in
rural locations, majority of them are still devoid of basic amenities to lead
them live a comfortable life due to the location and also city council to not
providing them with amenities due to the land title that fall under native land
in Land Ordinance Cap.68 (Section 78)[36]. Though there are alternatives
provided by the government such as giving individual water tanks to each
houses, building materials, boats and engine, and aquaculture initiatives, they
are then left unintended and subsequently ignored. Upon reaching independence,
efforts to reduce poverty have been vigorously implemented. Sama-Bajau along
with other Bumiputras were introduced to many economic models, better education
and better opportunities in the city. Many ancestral grounds have been
reintroduced as native lands under modern laws; and were granted and approved by
The Yang di-Pertua Negeri if he thinks it is necessary to protect the present
and future interests and well-being of the natives of Sabah in Part IV- Native
Reserves, Point No. 78 (Sabah Land Ordinance Cap. 68, 2013 ref). While these gazette
lands bring relief to the natives, it is deem only temporary due to the fact
that the YDPN is entitled to revoke the land status. However it would seem
unlikely to happen due to possible backlash and trouble of resettlement. As
much as native land reserves were granted, they are countless coastal houses
built on illegal grounds, causing many unwanted slumps to grow out of control
in the state. One thing is certain, native land reserves for Sama-Bajau faced
an uncertainty over their long-term futures.
VI. CONCLUSION
It
is essentially hard to pinpoint the exact evolution of the coastal dwellings in
this region. The study of its influences however could help disentangle certain
question on why they are almost occupied every single coastline in the North Borneo
and Sulu Archipelago. History and facts dictate their unbridled movements
throughout the maritime realms, exerting influences after influences while
supported by trades and economic activities. Sultanates in the region are born
out of maritime supremacy. Important trades with China that requires sea
products; security and maritime power prescribed a good military might on the
ocean; and Sama-Bajau docile nature made the influences propagate easier along
the coastal areas of Sulu Archipelago. Even to these days, coastal houses are
still scattered and continue to grow, along with the fact that Sabah is still
poverty-ridden, the existence of coastal dwellings will continue to live on.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I
would like to express my special thanks of gratitude to my parents for their
undying support throughout my study and my utmost gratitude to Ar. Cheah Siew
Khim for her insights, motivational talks and psychological support throughout
my studies; and my companions who have always supported me to complete this
paper: Amirulnizam and Chris’. I am forever grateful.
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Iziq
Eafifi was born in Kota Kinabalu in 1988. He received his diploma in
architecture in 2009 and bachelor’s degree in architecture in 2012 from Universiti
Teknologi Malaysia. Due to his excellence in academic achievement, he was
offered a fast-track programme and is currently pursuing full time PhD in architecture.
Abdullah
Sani was born in Selangor in 1963. He received his diploma in architecture from
UTM and bachelor’s degree in architecture (Hons.) from North London. He holds a
post grad diploma in structural engineer. (Newscastle-U-Tyne); and holds a PhD
in landscape architecture in 2001 from Universiti Teknologi Malaysia. Abdullah
Sani is an associate professor in the Department of Architecture, Universiti
Teknologi Malaysia with expertise: architectural management, architectural education
and Malay landscape.
Ismail
Ibrahim was born in Pontian, Johor in 1956. He received his early education at
Secondary School Sri Pontian before venturing into teaching at Teachers College
Gaya, Kota Kinabalu, Sabah in 1976-1977. He has since taught at several schools
in Sabah. In 1981, he continued his study at Universiti Teknologi MARA in the field
of Fine Arts. After graduating, he was posted at the College Gaya, Kota
Kinabalu as a lecturer in painting and handicrafts in 1986. He was transferred
to the Department of Art Specialist Teachers Training College, Kuala Lumpur in
1994 and to Raja Melewar Teachers College, Seremban, Negeri Sembilan in 1997.
His passion for the arts led him to return to Sabah in 1999 in the Center for
the Promotion of Knowledge and Language Learning, Universiti Malaysia Sabah. He
then earned a PhD in fine arts in 2005 and currently a dean in the Faculty of Psychology
and Education and the mastermind of the ‘Borneo Indigenous Art’ subject in the
Faculty of Humanities, Arts and Heritage, Universiti Malaysia Sabah.
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