Sama-Bajau
Total Population
Total: 1,093,672+
worldwide.
At least 470,000 in the Philippines; At least 436,672 in
Sabah, Malaysia; 175,000 in Indonesia; 12,000 in Brunei.
Regions with Significant
Populations
- Philippines - (Sulu Archipelago, Zamboanga Peninsula, Davao del Sur, Mindanao)
- Malaysia - (Sabah)
- Indonesia - (Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Lesser Sunda Islands, Maluku Islands, Bird's Head Peninsula, Kangean Islands)
- Brunei
- Elsewhere - Sinama, Bajau, Tausūg, Zambaongueño Chavacano, Cebuano, Tagalog, Malay, Bugis, Indonesian and English
Religion
Sunni Islam (majority),Folk Islam, Animism, Christianity
Related Ethnic Groups
Yakan, Iranun,Tausūg, other Moros, Filipinos, Malays, Bugis,
and other wider Austronesian peoples
Sama-Bajau People
The Sama-Bajau refers to several Austronesian ethnic groups
of Maritime Southeast Asia with their origins from the southern Philippines.
The name collectively refers to related people who usually call themselves the
Sama or Samah; or are known by the exonyms Bajau (/ˈbɑːdʒaʊ, ˈbæ-/, also
spelled Badjao, Bajaw, Badjau, Badjaw, Bajo or Bayao) and Samal or Siyamal (the
latter being considered offensive). They usually live a seaborne lifestyle, and
use small wooden sailing vessels such as the perahu (layag in Meranau),
djenging, balutu, lepa, pilang, and vinta (or lepa-lepa).Some Sama-Bajau groups
native to Sabah are also known for their traditional horse culture.
The Sama-Bajau are traditionally from the many islands of
the Sulu Archipelago in the Philippines, coastal areas of Mindanao, northern
and eastern Borneo, the Celebes, and throughout eastern Indonesian islands. In
the Philippines, they are grouped together with the religiously-similar Moro
people. Within the last 50 years, many of the Filipino Sama-Bajau have migrated
to neighbouring Malaysia and the northern islands of the Philippines, due to
the conflict in Mindanao. As of 2010, they were the second-largest ethnic group
in the Malaysian state of Sabah.
Sama-Bajau have sometimes been called the "Sea
Gypsies" or "Sea Nomads", terms that have also been used for
non-related ethnic groups with similar traditional lifestyles, such as the
Moken of the Burmese-Thai Mergui Archipelago and the Orang Laut of southeastern
Sumatra and the Riau Islands of Indonesia. The modern outward spread of the
Sama-Bajau from older inhabited areas seems to have been associated with the
development of sea trade in sea cucumber (trepang).
Ethnonym
Like the term Kadazan-Dusun, Sama-Bajau is a collective
term, used to describe several closely related indigenous people who consider
themselves a single distinct bangsa ("ethnic group" or
"nation"). It is generally accepted that these groups of people can
be termed Sama or Bajau, though they never call themselves "Bajau" in
the Philippines. Instead, they call themselves with the names of their tribes,
usually the place they live or place of origin. For example, the sea-going
Sama-Bajau prefer to call themselves the Sama Dilaut or Sama Mandilaut
(literally "sea Sama" or "ocean Sama") in the Philippines;
while in Malaysia, they identify as Bajau Laut.
Historically in the Philippines, the term "Sama"
was used to describe the more land-oriented and settled Sama–Bajau groups,
while "Bajau" was used to describe the more sea-oriented, boat-dwelling,
nomadic groups. Even these distinctions are fading as the majority of
Sama-Bajau have long since abandoned boat living, most for Sama–style piling
houses in the coastal shallows.
"Sama" is believed to have originated from the
Austronesian root word sama meaning "together", "same", or
"we". The exact origin of the exonym "Bajau" is unclear.
Some authors have proposed that it is derived from a corruption of the Malay
word berjauh ("getting further apart" or "the state of being
away"). Other possible origins
include the Brunei Malay word bajaul, which means "to fish". The term
"Bajau" has pejorative connotations in the Philippines, indicating
poverty in comparison to the term "Sama". Especially since it is used
most commonly to refer to poverty-stricken Sama-Bajau who make a living through
begging.
British administrators in Sabah classified the Sama-Bajau as
"Bajau" and labelled them as such in their birth certificates. Thus
the Sama-Bajau in Malaysia may sometimes self-identify as "Bajau" or
even "Malay" (though the preferred term is "Sama"), for
political reasons. This is due to the government recognition of the Sama-Bajau
as legally Bumiputera (indigenous native) under the name "Bajau". This
ensures easy access to the special privileges granted to ethnic Malays. This is
especially true for recent Moro Filipino migrants. The indigenous Sama-Bajau in
Malaysia have also started labelling themselves as their ancestors called
themselves, such as Simunul.
History and Origin
Regions inhabited by peoples usually known as "Sea
Nomads".
- Sama-Bajau
- Orang Laut
- Moken
For most of their history, the Sama-Bajau have been a
nomadic, seafaring people, living off the sea by trading and subsistence
fishing.The boat-dwelling Sama-Bajau see themselves as non-aggressive people.
They kept close to the shore by erecting houses on stilts, and travelled using
lepa, handmade boats which many lived in.
Oral Traditions
Most of the various oral traditions and tarsila (royal
genealogies) among the Sama-Bajau have a common theme which claims that they
were originally a land-dwelling people who were the subjects of a king who had
a daughter. After she is lost by either being swept away to the sea (by a storm
or a flood) or being taken captive by a neighbouring kingdom, they were then
supposedly ordered to find her. After failing to do so they decided to remain
nomadic for fear of facing the wrath of the king.
One such version widely told among the Sama-Bajau of Borneo
claims that they descended from Johorean royal guards who were escorting a
princess named Dayang Ayesha for marriage to a ruler in Sulu. However, the
Sultan of Brunei (allegedly Muhammad Shah of Brunei) also fell in love with the
princess. On the way to Sulu, they were attacked by Bruneians in the high seas.
The princess was taken captive and married to the Sultan of Brunei instead. The
escorts, having lost the princess, elected to settle in Borneo and Sulu rather
than return to Johor.
Among the Indonesian Sama-Bajau, on the other hand, their oral
histories place more importance on the relationship of the Sama-Bajau with the
Sultanate of Gowa rather than Johor. The various versions of their origin myth
tell about a royal princess who was washed away by a flood. She was found and
eventually married a king or a prince of Gowa. Their offspring then allegedly
became the ancestors of the Indonesian Sama-Bajau.
However, there are other versions which are also more
mythological and do not mention a princess. Among the Philippine Sama-Bajau,
for example, there is a myth that claims that the Sama-Bajau were accidentally
towed into what is now Zamboanga by a giant stingray. Incidentally, the native
pre-Hispanic name of Zamboanga City is "Samboangan" (literally
"mooring place"), which was derived from the Sinama word for a
mooring pole, sambuang or samboang.
Modern Research on
Origins
Sama-Bajau children
in Basilan, Philippines
The origin myths claiming descent from Johor or Gowa have
been largely rejected by modern scholars, mostly because these kingdoms were
established too recently to explain the ethnic divergence.Though whether the
Sama-Bajau are indigenous to their current territories or settled from elsewhere
is still contentious. Linguistically, they are distinct from neighbouring
populations, especially from the Tausūg who are more closely related to the
northern Philippine ethnic groups like the Visayans.
In 1965, the anthropologist David E. Sopher claimed that the
Sama-Bajau, along with the Orang Laut, descended from ancient
"Veddoid" (Australoid) hunter-gatherers from the Riau Archipelago who
intermarried with Austronesians. They retained their hunter-gatherer lifestyle,
though they became more maritime-oriented as Southeast Asia became more
populated by later Austronesian settlers like the Malays.
In 1968, the anthropologist Harry Arlo Nimmo, on the other
hand, believed that the Sama-Bajau are indigenous to the Sulu Archipelago,
Sulawesi, and/or Borneo, and do not share a common origin with the Orang Laut.
Nimmo proposed that the boat-dwelling lifestyle developed among the ancestors
of the Sama-Bajau independently from the Orang Laut.
A more recent study in 1985 by the anthropologist Alfred
Kemp Pallasen compares the oral traditions with historical facts and linguistic
evidence. He puts the date of the ethnogenesis of Sama-Bajau as 800 AD and also
rejects a historical connection between the Sama-Bajau and the Orang Laut. He
hypothesises that the Sama-Bajau originated from a proto-Sama-Bajau people
inhabiting the Zamboanga Peninsula who practised both fishing and
slash-and-burn agriculture. They were the original inhabitants of Zamboanga and
the Sulu archipelago, and were well-established in the region long before the
first arrival of the Tausūg people at around the 13th century from their
homelands along the northern coast of eastern Mindanao. Along with the Tausūg,
they were heavily influenced by the Malay kingdoms both culturally and
linguistically, becoming Indianised by the 15th century and Islamised by the
16th century. They also engaged in extensive trade with China for
"luxury" sea products like trepang, pearls, and shark fin.
From Zamboanga, some members of this people adopted an
exclusively seaborne culture and spread outwards in the 10th century towards
Basilan, Sulu, Borneo, and Sulawesi. They arrived in Borneo in the 11th
century. This hypothesis is currently the most widely accepted among
specialists studying the Austronesian peoples. This would also explain why even
boat-dwelling Sama-Bajau still practice agricultural rituals, despite being exclusively
fishermen. Linguistic evidence further points to Borneo as the ultimate origin
of the proto-Sama-Bajau people.
Historical Records
Residents of a Bajau kampung in Afdeeling Ternate, Groote
Oost, Dutch East Indies (present day North Maluku, Indonesia) c. 1925.
The epic poem Darangan of the Maranao people record that
among the ancestors of the hero Bantugan is a Maranao prince who married a
Sama-Bajau princess. Estimated to have happened in 840 AD, it is the oldest
account of the Sama-Bajau. It further corroborates the fact that they predate
the arrival of the Tausūg settlers and are indigenous to the Sulu archipelago
and parts of Mindanao.
Sama-Bajau were first recorded by European explorers in 1521
by Antonio Pigafetta of the Magellan-Elcano expedition in what is now the
present-day Zamboanga Peninsula. Pigafetta writes that the "people of that
island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise". They have
also been present in the written records of other Europeans henceforth;
including in Sulawesi by the Dutch colonies in 1675, in Sulawesi and eastern
Borneo by Thomas Forrest in the 1770s, and in the west coast of Borneo by
Spenser St. John in the 1850s and 1860s.
Sama-Bajau were often widely mentioned in connection to sea
raids (mangahat), piracy and the slave trade in Southeast Asia during the
European colonial period, indicating that at least some Sama-Bajau groups from
northern Sulu (e.g. the Banguingui) were involved, along with non-Sama-Bajau
groups like the Iranun. The scope of their pirate activities was extensive,
commonly sailing from Sulu to as far as Moluccas and back again. Aside from
early European colonial records, they may have also been the pirates described
by Chinese and Arab sources in the Straits of Singapore in the 12th and 13th
centuries. Sama-Bajau usually served as low-ranking crewmembers of warboats,
directly under the command of Iranun squadron leaders, who in turn answered to
the Tausūg datu of the Sultanate of Sulu.
The Bajoe harbour in Sulawesi was the site of a small
settlement of Sama-Bajau under the Bugis Sultanate of Bone. They were
significantly involved in First and Second Bone Wars (1824–1825), when the
Royal Netherlands East Indies Army sent a punitive expedition in retaliation
for Bugis and Makassar attacks on local Dutch garrisons. After the fall of
Bone, most Sama-Bajau resettled in other areas of Sulawesi.
During the British colonial rule of Sabah, the Sama-Bajau
were involved in two uprisings against the North Borneo Chartered Company: the
Mat Salleh Rebellion from 1894 to 1905, and the Pandasan Affair of 1915.
Modern Sama-Bajau
Modern Sama-Bajau are generally regarded as peaceful,
hospitable, and cheerful people, despite their humble circumstances. However, a
significant number are also illiterate, uneducated, and impoverished, due to
their nomadic lifestyle.
The number of modern Sama-Bajau who are born and live
primarily at sea is diminishing. Cultural assimilation and modernisation are regarded
as the main causes. Particularly after the dissolution of the Sultanate of
Sulu, who were the traditional patrons of the Sama-Bajau for bartering fish for
farm goods. The money-based fish markets which replaced the seasonal trade
around mooring points necessitates a more land-based lifestyle for greater
market penetration. In Malaysia, some hotly debated government programs have
also resettled Bajau to the mainland.
The Sama-Bajau in the Sulu Archipelago were historically
discriminated against by the dominant Tausūg people, who viewed boat-dwelling
Sama-Bajau as 'inferior' and as outsiders (the traditional Tausūg term for them
is the highly offensive Luwaan, meaning "spat out" or
"outcast"). They were also marginalised by other Moro peoples because
they still practised animist folk religions either exclusively or alongside
Islam, and thus were viewed as "uncivilised pagans". Boat-dwelling
and shoreline Sama-Bajau had a very low status in the caste-based Tausūg Sultanate
of Sulu.This survived into the modern Philippines where the Sama-Bajau are
still subjected to strong cultural prejudice from the Tausūg. The Sama-Bajau
have also been frequent victims of theft, extortion, kidnapping, and violence
from the predominantly Tausūg Abu Sayyaf insurgents as well as pirates.
This discrimination and the continuing violence in Muslim
Mindanao have driven many Sama-Bajau to emigrate. They usually resettle in
Malaysia and Indonesia, where they have more employment opportunities. But even
in Malaysia their presence is still controversial as most of them are illegal
immigrants. Most illegal Sama-Bajau immigrants enter Malaysia through offshore
islands. From there, they enter mainland Sabah to find work as manual
labourers. Others migrate to the northern islands of the Philippines,
particularly to the Visayas, Palawan, the northern coast of Mindanao, and even
as far as southern Luzon. Though these are relatively safer regions, they are
also more economically disadvantaged and socially excluded, leading to
Filipinos sometimes stereotyping the boat-dwelling Sama-Bajau as beggars and
squatters.
The ancestral roaming and fishing grounds of the Sama-Bajau
straddled the borders of the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia. And they
have sometimes voyaged as far as the Timor and Arafura Seas. In modern times,
they have lost access to most of these sites. There have been efforts to grant
Sama-Bajau some measures of rights to fish in traditional areas, but most
Sama-Bajau still suffer from legal persecution. For example, under a 1974
Memorandum of Understanding, "Indonesian traditional fishermen" are
allowed to fish within the Exclusive Economic Zone of Australia, which includes
traditional fishing grounds of Sama-Bajau fishermen. However, illegal fishing
encroachment of Corporate Sea Trawlers in these areas has led to concern about
overfishing, and the destruction of Sama-Bajau vessels. In 2014, Indonesian
authorities destroyed six Filipino Sama-Bajau boats caught fishing in
Indonesian waters. This is particularly serious for the Sama-Bajau, whose boats
are also oftentimes their homes.
Sama-Bajau fishermen are often associated with illegal and
destructive practices, like blast fishing, cyanide fishing, coral mining, and
cutting down mangrove trees. It is believed that the Sama-Bajau resort to these
activities mainly due to sedentarisation brought about by the restrictions
imposed on their nomadic culture by modern nation states. With their now
limited territories, they have little alternative means of competing with
better-equipped land-based and commercial fishermen, and earn enough to feed
their families. The Indonesian government and certain non-governmental
organisations, have launched several programs for providing alternative
sustainable livelihood projects for Sama-Bajau to discourage these practices
(such as the use of fish aggregating devices instead of explosives).
Medical
health centres (puskesmas) and schools have also been built even for stilt-house
Sama-Bajau communities. Similar programs have also been implemented in the
Philippines.
With the loss of their traditional fishing grounds, some
refugee groups of Sama-Bajau in the Philippines are forced to resort to begging
(agpangamu in Sinama), particularly diving for coins thrown by inter-island
ferry passengers (angedjo). Other traditional sources of income include selling
grated cassava (magliis), mat-weaving (ag-tepoh), and jewellery-making
(especially from pearls). Recently, there have been more efforts by local
governments in the Philippines to rehabilitate Sama-Bajau refugees and teach
them livelihood skills. In 2016, the Philippine Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic
Resources started a project for distributing fishing boats, gear, and other
livelihood materials among Sama-Bajau communities in Luzon. This was largely
the result of raised awareness and an outpouring of support after a photo of a
Sama-Bajau beggar, Rita Gaviola (dubbed the "Badjao Girl"), went
viral in the Philippines.
Subgroups
The Sama-Bajau are fragmented into highly diverse subgroups.
They have never been politically united and are usually subject to the
land-based political groups of the areas they settle, such as the Sultanate of
Brunei and the former Sultanate of Sulu.
Most subgroups of Sama-Bajau name themselves after the place
they originated from (usually an island). Each subgroup speaks a distinct
language or dialect that are usually mutually intelligible with their immediate
neighbouring subgroup in a continuous linguistic chain. In the Philippines, the
Sama-Bajau can be divided into three general groups based on where they settle:
Sama Bihing or Sama Lipid - The "shoreline Sama"
or "littoral Sama". These are the Sama-Bajau which traditionally
lived in stilt houses in shallows and coastal areas. An example is the Sama
Simunul. They are originally from the larger islands of Tawi-Tawi. They have a
more flexible lifestyle than the Sama-Gimba (Dilaut Origin), and will farm when
there is available land. They usually act as middlemen in trade between the
Sama Dilaut and other land-based peoples.
Sama Dea, Sama Deya, or Sama Darat - The "land
Sama". These are the Sama-Bajau which traditionally lived in island
interiors. Some examples are the Sama Sibutu and the Sama Sanga-Sanga. They are
usually farmers who cultivate rice, sweet potato, cassava, and coconuts for
copra through traditional slash-and-burn agriculture (in contrast to the plow
agriculture technology brought by the Tausūg). They are originally from the
larger islands of Tawi-Tawi and Pangutaran. In the Philippines, the Sama Dea
will often completely differentiate themselves from the Sama Dilaut.
Sama Dilaut, Sama Mandilaut or Bajau Laut - The "sea
Sama" or "ocean Sama". In the Philippines, the preferred
ethnonym is Sama Dilaut; while in Malaysia, they usually identify as Bajau
Laut. This subgroup originally lived exclusively on elaborately crafted
houseboats called lepa, but almost all have taken to living on land in the
Philippines. Their home islands include Sitangkai and Bongao. They are the
Sama-Bajau subgroup most commonly called "Bajau", though Filipino
Sama Dilaut consider it offensive. They sometimes call themselves the
"Sama To'ongan" (literally "true Sama" or "real
Sama"), to distinguish themselves from the land-dwelling Sama-Bajau
subgroups.
Other minor Sama-Bajau groups named after islands of origin
include the Sama Bannaran, Sama Davao, Sama Zamboanga Sikubung, Sama Tuaran,
Sama Semporna, Sama Sulawesi, Sama Simunul, Sama Tabawan, Sama Tandubas (or
Sama Tando' Bas), and Sama Ungus Matata. Mixed-heritage Sama-Bajau and Tausūg
communities are sometimes known as "Bajau Suluk" in Malaysia. People
of multiple ethnic parentage may further identify with a three-part
self-description, such as "Bajau Suluk Dusun". The following are the
major subgroups usually recognised as distinct:
Bajo (Indonesia) - Also known as "Same'" (or
simply "Sama") by the Bugis; and "Turijene" or
"Taurije'n" (literally "people of the water"),
"Bayo", or "Bayao" by the Makassar. They are Sama-Bajau
groups who settled in Sulawesi and Kalimantan, Indonesia through the Makassar
Strait from as early as the 16th century. They have spread further into nearby
islands, including the Lesser Sunda Islands, Maluku Islands, and Raja Ampat
Islands.
The Regatta Lepa festival in Semporna, Sabah, Malaysia. Lepa
refers to the houseboat in the dialect of east coast Bajau. In this festival,
Bajau people decorate their boats with colourful flags.
Banguingui (Philippines, Malaysia) - Also known as
"Sama Balangingi" or "Sama Bangingi". Native to the Philippines.
Some have recently migrated to Sabah. They are sometimes considered distinct
from other Sama-Bajau. They have a more martial-oriented society, and were once
part of regular sea raids and piracy against coastal communities and passing
ships.
East Coast Bajau (Philippines, Malaysia) - are Sama Dilaut
who settled in the eastern coast of Sabah, particularly around Semporna. They
still identify themselves as Bajau Laut or Sama Laut. Though they are called
East Coast Bajau to distinguish them from the Sama Kota Belud of western Sabah.
They are also known by the exonym "Pala'u" ("boat-dwelling"
in Sinama), but it is sometimes considered derogatory. Some have retained their
original boat-dwelling lifestyle, but many others have built homes on land. They
are known for the colourful annual Regatta Lepa festival, which occurs from 24
to 26 April.
Jama Mapun (Philippines) - Also known as "Sama
Kagayan". They are from the island of Mapun, Tawi-Tawi (formerly known as
Cagayan de Sulu). Their culture is heavily influenced by the Sulu Sultanate.
Samal (Philippines, Malaysia) - "Samal" (also
spelled "Siamal" or "Siyamal") is a Tausūg and Cebuano term
and is sometimes considered offensive. Their preferred endonym is simply
"Sama", and they are more accurately a general subgroup of Sama Dea
("land Sama") native to the Philippines. A large number are now
residing around the coasts of northern Sabah, though many have also migrated
north to the Visayas and southern Luzon. They are predominantly land-dwelling.
They are the largest single group of Sama-Bajau. In Davao del Norte, the Island
Garden City of Samal was possibly named after them.
Ubian (Philippines, Malaysia) - Originated from the island
of South Ubian in Tawi-Tawi, Philippines and make up the largest Sama-Bajau
subgroup in Sabah. They reside in sizeable minorities living around the towns
of Kudat and Semporna in Sabah, Malaysia.
West Coast Bajau (Malaysia) - Also known as "Sama Kota
Belud". Native to the western coast of Sabah, particularly around Kota
Belud. They prefer to call themselves by the general ethnonym "Sama",
not "Bajau"; and their neighbours, the Dusuns also call them
"Sama". British administrators originally defined them as
"Bajau". They are referred to as West Coast Bajau in Malaysia to
distinguish them from the Sama Dilaut of eastern Sabah and the Sulu
Archipelago. They are known for having a traditional horse culture.
Yakan (Philippines) - Found in the traditional Sama-Bajau
homelands of Zamboanga and surrounding islands (including Basilan). Though they
may have been the ancestors of the Sama-Bajau, they have become linguistically
and culturally distinct and are usually regarded as a separate ethnic group.
They are exclusively land-based and are usually farmers.
Languages
The Sama–Bajau peoples speak some ten languages of the
Sama–Bajau subgroup of the Western Malayo-Polynesian language family. Sinama is
the most common name for these languages, but they are also called Bajau,
especially in Malaysia. The Tausūg people refer to these languages as Siamal.
Most Sama-Bajau can speak multiple languages.
The Sama-Bajau languages were once classified under the
Central Philippine languages of the Malayo-Polynesian geographic group of the
Austronesian language family. But due to marked differences with neighbouring
languages, they were moved to a separate branch altogether from all other
Philippine languages. For example, Sinama pronunciation is quite distinct from
other nearby Central Philippine languages like Tausūg and Tagalog. Instead of
the primary stress being usually on the final syllable; the primary stress
occurs on the second-to-the-last syllable of the word in Sinama. This placement
of the primary stress is similar to Manobo and other languages of the
predominantly animistic ethnic groups of Mindanao, the Lumad peoples.
In 2006, the linguist Robert Blust, proposed that the
Sama-Bajaw languages derived from the Barito lexical region, though not from
any established group. It is thus a sister group to other Barito languages like
Dayak and Malagasy. It is classified under the Bornean geographic group.
Sama-Bajau languages are usually written in the Jawi
alphabet.
Culture
Religion
Religions of
Sama-Bajau (Malaysian population only)
Religion and Percentage
Islam 95.26%
Christianity 0.52%
Folk religion / Other religions 0.08%
No religion / Unknown 4.14%
Religion can vary among the different Sama-Bajau subgroups;
from a strict adherence to Sunni Islam, forms of folk Islam (itself influenced
by Sufi traditions of early Muslim missionaries), to animistic beliefs in
spirits and ancestor worship. There is a small minority of Catholics and
Protestants, particularly from Davao del Sur in the Philippines.
Among the modern coastal Sama-Bajau of Malaysia, claims to
religious piety and learning are an important source of individual prestige.
Some of the Sama-Bajau lack mosques and must rely on the shore-based
communities such as those of the more Islamised or Malay peoples. Some of the
more nomadic Sama-Bajau, like the Ubian Bajau, are much less adherent to
orthodox Islam. They practice a syncretic form of folk Islam, also revering
local sea spirits, known in Islamic terminology as Jinn.
The ancient Sama-Bajau were animistic, and this is retained
wholly or partially in some Sama-Bajau groups. The supreme deities in
Sama-Bajau mythology are Umboh Tuhan (also known as Umboh Dilaut, the
"Lord of the Sea") and his consort, Dayang Dayang Mangilai
("Lady of the Forest"). Umboh Tuhan is regarded as the creator deity
who made humans equal with animals and plants. Like other animistic religions,
they also fundamentally divide the world into the physical and spiritual realms
which coexist together. In modern Muslim Sama-Bajau, Umboh Tuhan (or simply
Tuhan or Tuan) is usually equated with Allah.
Other objects of reverence are spirits known as umboh
("ancestor", also spelled omboh or m'boh), Traditionally, the umboh
referred more specifically to ancestral spirits, different from the saitan (nature
spirits) and the jinn (familiar spirits); though some literature refer to all
of them as umboh. These include Umboh Baliyu (the spirits of wind and storms),
and Umboh Payi or Umboh Gandum (the spirits of the first rice harvest). They
also include totemic spirits of various animals and plants, including Umboh
Summut (totem of ants) and Umboh Kamun (totem of mantis shrimp). The construction and launch of sailing vessels
are also ritualised, and the vessels are believed to have a spirit known as
Sumangâ ("guardian", literally "one who deflects attacks").
The umboh are believed to influence
fishing activities, rewarding the Sama-Bajau by granting good luck favours
known as padalleang and occasionally punishing by causing serious incidents
called busong.
Traditional Sama-Bajau communities may have shamans (dukun)
traditionally known as the kalamat. The kalamat are also known in Muslim
Sama-Bajau as the wali jinn (literally "custodian of jinn") and may
adhere to taboos concerning the treatment of the sea and other cultural
aspects. The kalamat preside over Sama-Bajau community events along with mediums
known as igal jinn. The kalamat and the igal jinn are said to be
"spirit-bearers", and are actually believed to be hosts of familiar
spirits. It is not, however, regarded as a spirit possession, since the igal
jinn never lose control of their bodies. Instead, the igal jinn are believed to
have acquired their familiar spirit (jinn) after surviving a serious or
near-fatal illness. For the rest of their lives, the igal jinn are believed to
share their bodies with the particular jinn who saved them.
One important religious event among the Sama-Bajau is the
annual feast known as pag-umboh or magpaay-bahaw, an offering of thanks to
Umboh Tuhan. In this ceremony, newly
harvested rice (paay-bahaw) are dehusked (magtaparahu) while Islamic prayers
(duaa) are recited. They are dried (magpatanak) and are then laid out in small
conical piles symbolic of mountains (bud) on the living room floor (a process
known as the "sleeping of rice"). After two or three nights,
two-thirds are set aside for making sweet rice meals (panyalam), while
one-third is set aside for making sweet rice cakes (durul). Additional prayers
(zikir), which includes calling the names of ancestors out loud, are offered to
the Umboh after the rice meals have been prepared. Pag-umboh is a solemn and
formal affair.
Another annual religious ceremony among the boat-dwelling
Sama Dilaut is the pagkanduli (literally "festive gathering"). It
involves ritual dancing to Umboh Tuhan, Dayang Dayang Mangilai, and ancestral
ghosts called bansa. The ritual is first celebrated under a sacred dangkan tree
(strangler figs, known elsewhere in the Philippines as balete) symbolising the
male spirit Umboh Tuhan; and afterwards in the centre of a grove of
kama'toolang trees (pandan trees) symbolising the female spirit Dayang Dayang
Mangilai.
The trance dancing is called mag-igal and involves female
and male and igal jinn, called the jinn denda and jinn lella respectively. The
jinn denda perform the first dance known as igal limbayan under the dangkan
tree, with the eldest leading. They are performed with intricate movements of
the hands, usually also with metal fingernail extensions called sulingkengkeng.
If the dance and music are pleasing, the bansa are believed to take actual
possession of the dancers, whereupon the wali jinn will assist in releasing
them at the end of the dance.
The bansa are not feared, however, as they are
regarded as actual spirits of ancestors. Temporarily serving as hosts for the
bansa while dancing to music is regarded as a "gift" by the living
Sama Dilaut to their ancestors. After the igal limbayan, the wali jinn will
invite the audience to participate, to celebrate and to give their thanks. The
last dance is the igal lellang, with four jinn lella performing a warrior
dance, whereupon the participants will proceed to the kama'toolang grove. There
they will also perform rituals and dance (this time with both male and female
dancers together), symbolically "inviting" Dayang Dayang Mangilai to
come with them back to the dangkan tree. Further games and celebrations are
held under the original dangkan tree before the celebrants finally say their
farewells to the spirits. Unlike pag-umboh, pagkanduli is a joyous celebration,
involving singing, dancing, and joking among all participants. It is the
largest festive event among the Sama Dilaut communities.
Aside from pagkanduli and magpaay-bahaw, public dances
called magigal jinn may also occur at various times of the year. During these
celebrations, the igal jinn may be consulted for a public séance and for
nightly trance dancing. In times of epidemics, the igal jinn are also called
upon to remove illness causing spirits from the community. They do this by
setting a "spirit boat" adrift in the open sea beyond the village or
anchorage.
Boat-dwelling
A few Sama-Bajau still live traditionally. They live in
houseboats which generally accommodates a single nuclear family (usually five
people). The houseboats travel together in flotillas with houseboats of
immediate relatives (a family alliance) and co-operate during fishing
expeditions and in ceremonies. A married couple may choose to sail with the
relatives of the husband or the wife. They anchor at common mooring points (called
sambuangan) with other flotillas (usually also belonging to extended relatives)
at certain times of the year.
These mooring points are usually presided over by an elder
or headsman. The mooring points are close to sources of water or culturally
significant locations like island cemeteries. There are periodic gatherings of
Sama-Bajau clans usually for various ceremonies like weddings or festivals.
They generally do not sail more than 40 km (24.85 mi) from their
"home" moorage. They periodically trade goods with the land-based
communities of other Sama-Bajau and other ethnic groups. Sama-Bajau groups may
routinely cross the borders of the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia for
fishing, trading, or visiting relatives.
Sama-Bajau are also noted for their exceptional abilities in
free-diving, with physical adaptations that enable them to see better and dive
longer underwater. Divers work long days with the "greatest daily apnea
diving time reported in humans" of greater than 5 hours per day submerged.
Some Bajau intentionally rupture their
eardrums at an early age to facilitate diving and hunting at sea. Many older
Sama-Bajau are therefore hard of hearing. Sama-Bajau women also use a
traditional sun-protecting powder called burak or borak, made from water weeds,
rice and spices.
Music, Dance and Arts
Sama-Bajau traditional songs are handed down orally through
generations. The songs are usually sung during marriage celebrations (kanduli
pagkawin), accompanied by dance (pang-igal) and musical instruments like pulau
(flute), gabbang (xylophone), tagunggo' (kulintang gongs), and in modern times,
electronic keyboards. There are several types of Sama-Bajau traditional songs,
they include: isun-isun, runsai, najat, syair, nasid, bua-bua anak, and
tinggayun.
Among the more specific examples of Sama-Bajau songs are
three love songs collectively referred to as Sangbayan. These are Dalling
Dalling, Duldang Duldang, and Pakiring Pakiring. The most well-known of these
three is Pakiring Pakiring (literally "moving the hips"), which is
more familiar to the Tausūg in its commercialised and modernised form Dayang
Dayang. The Tausūg claim that the song is native to their culture, and whether
the song is originally Tausūg or Sama-Bajau remain controversial. Most
Sama-Bajau folk songs are becoming extinct, largely due to the waning interest
of the younger generations.
Sama-Bajau people are also well known for weaving and
needlework skills.
Horse Culture
The West Coast Bajau horsemen in their hometown of Kota
Belud, with a background of Mount Kinabalu behind.
The more settled land-based West Coast Bajau are expert
equestrians – which makes them remarkable in Malaysia, where horse riding has
never been widespread anywhere else. The traditional costume of Sama-Bajau
horsemen consists of a black or white long-sleeved shirt (badu sampit) with
gold buttons (betawi) on the front and decorated with silver floral designs
(intiras), black or white trousers (seluar sampit) with gold lace trimmings,
and a headpiece (podong). They carry a spear (bujak), a riding crop (pasut),
and a silver-hilted keris dagger. The horse is also caparisoned with a
colourful outfit called kain kuda that also have brass bells (seriau) attached.
The saddle (sila sila) is made from water buffalo hide, and padded with cloth
(lapik) underneath.
Society
The rehabilitation of a traditional Sama-Bajau house in the
Heritage Village of Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, Malaysia.
Though some Sama-Bajau headsmen have been given honorific
titles like "datu", "maharaja" or "panglima" by
governments (like under the Sultanate of Brunei), they usually only had little
authority over the Sama-Bajau community. Sama-Bajau society is traditionally
highly individualistic, and the largest political unit is the clan cluster
around mooring points, rarely more.
Unlike most neighbouring peoples,
Sama-Bajau society is also more or less egalitarian, and they did not practice
a caste system. The individualism is probably due to the generally fragile
nature of their relationships with land-based peoples for access to essentials
like wood or water. When the relationship sours or if there is too much
pressure from land-based rulers, the Sama-Bajau prefer to simply move on
elsewhere.
Greater importance is placed on kinship and reciprocal labour rather
than formal authority for maintaining social cohesion. There are a few
exceptions, however, like the Jama Mapun and the Sama Pangutaran of the
Philippines, who follow the traditional pre-Hispanic Philippine feudal society
with a caste system consisting of nobles, notables, and commoners and serfs.
Likely introduced by the Sultanate of Sulu.
Depictions in Popular
Culture
The 1982 to 1988 Sabah coat of arms depicts a kingfisher,
adopted primarily to symbolise the large Sama-Bajau population in Sabah.
It has been suggested by some researchers that Sama-Bajau people's
visits to Arnhem Land gave rise to the accounts of the mysterious Baijini
people in the myths of Australia's Yolngu Aboriginals.
The Sama-Bajau have
also been the subject of several films.
They include:
Badjao (1957) - A Filipino film directed by Lamberto V.
Avellan
Bajau Laut: Nomads of the Sea (2008) - A Singaporean TV
documentary produced by Matthew Malpelli.
The Mirror Never Lies (2011) Indonesian film directed by
Kamila Andini
Thy Womb (2012) - A Filipino drama film directed by
Brillante Mendoza
Bohe': Sons of the Waves (2013) - A Filipino short film
produced by Nadjoua and Linda Bansil
Anak ng Badjao (1987) - A Filipino Film directed by Jose
Antonio Alonzo and Jerry O. Tironazona
Notable Sama-Bajau
Politics
Mat Salleh (Datu Muhammad Salleh) - Sabah warrior from
Inanam, Kota Kinabalu during the British administration of North Borneo.
Tun Datu Mustapha (Tun Datu Mustapha bin Datu Harun) - The
first Yang di-Pertua Negeri (Governor) of Sabah and the third Chief Minister of
Sabah from Kudat.
Tun Said Keruak (Tun Muhammad Said Keruak) - The seventh
Governor of Sabah and the fourth Chief Minister of Sabah from Kota Belud.
Tun Sakaran Dandai - The eighth Governor of Sabah and also
the eighth Chief Minister of Sabah from Semporna.
Ahmadshah Abdullah - The ninth Governor of Sabah from
Inanam, Kota Kinabalu.
Salleh Said Keruak (Datuk Seri Panglima Mohd Salleh bin Tun
Mohd Said Keruak) - The ninth Chief Minister of Sabah from Kota Belud and
currently a federal minister with the rank of Senator in the Dewan Negara.
Osu Sukam (Datuk Seri Panglima Osu bin Sukam) - The twelfth
Chief Minister of Sabah from Papar.
Mohd Nasir Tun Sakaran (Dato' Mohd Nasir bin Tun Sakaran
Dandai) - Sabah politician from Semporna.
Shafie Apdal (Dato' Seri Hj Mohd Shafie Bin Apdal) - Former
Malaysian minister from Semporna.
Pandikar Amin Mulia - Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, Member of
Parliament of Malaysia from Kota Belud.
Askalani Abdul Rahim (Datuk Askalani Bin Abdul Rahim) -
Former Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports from Semporna.
Entertainment
Adam AF2 (Aizam Mat Saman) - Malaysian singer and actor,
nephew of Tun Ahmadshah Abdullah.
Sitti - Filipino singer.
Yanie (Mentor) (the late Siti Suriane Julkarim)[78] -
Malaysian singer in the popular TV shows of Mentor on TV3 from Kota Kinabalu.
Wawa Zainal Abidin - Malaysian actress.
Azwan Kombos - Malaysian actor.
Rita Gabiola - Filipino actress in the Pinoy Big Brother
Season 7.
Sports
Bana Sailani - A Filipino Olympic swimmer who represented
the Philippines in the 1956 Summer Olympics, the 1958 Asian Games (where he won
5 bronze medals, and 1 silver), and the 1960 Summer Olympics. He was more popularly
known as Bapa' Banana.
Estino Taniyu - A Malaysian swimmer from the Royal Malaysian
Navy who swam across the English Channel in 13 hours, 45 minutes, and 45 seconds
on 21 September 2012.
Matlan Marjan - Former Malaysian football player and the
former Sabah FA captain.
Notes
The concept of an Australoid "race" is antiquated.
Most modern literature refer to these peoples as the Australo-Melanesians.
However, their exact relationship within their member groups and with other
ethnic groups in Asia and Oceania is still debated.
Tuhan is a common word referring to a supreme deity in
various Austronesian languages in eastern Malaysia, southwestern Philippines,
and eastern Indonesia. It originally referred to a different concept of a deity
separate from the Abrahamic god, but Malays and other Muslim Austronesian
ethnic groups usually equate Tuhan with Allah. Compare with Bathala of the
Tagalogs and Kan-Laon of the Visayans.
Source : From Wikipedia
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